Washington, DC, 2002.
Preceding element provides place and date of transcription only.
For more information about this text and this American Memory collection, refer to accompanying matter.
The National Digital Library Program at the Library of Congress makes digitized historical materials available for education and scholarship.
This transcription is intended to have an accuracy of 99.95 percent or greater and is not intended to reproduce the appearance of the original work. The accompanying images provide a facsimile of this work and represent the appearance of the original.
NOTIONS
OF THE
AMERICANS:
PICKED UP BY A
TRAVELLING BACHELOR.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
1867
City of Washington
NEW YORK:
STRINGER & TOWNSEND.
222 BROADWAY, COR. ANN-STREET
1850.
Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit:
L. S. BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the nineteenth day of July, in the fifty-third year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1828,
Carey, Lea & Carey,
of the said district, have deposited in this office the title of a Book, the right whereof they claim as Proprietors, in the words following, to wit:
“Notions of the Americans. Picked up by a Travelling Bachelor.”
In Conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, “An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned.” And also to the Act entitled, “An Act supplementary to an Act, entitled ‘An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned,’ and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching, historical and other Prints.”
D. CALDWELL,
Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania
Washington,—
I write
you from the little capital of this great republic. After lingering at Baltimore until reasons for all further delay were exhausted, we reluctantly turned our faces westward. Cadwallader had pointed out to me sundry busy-looking travellers, who were strolling through the streets of the town, with more gravity of mien (assumed or natural) than is common to meet in a city, and whispered in my ears that they were members of Congress, on their way to the seat of government. This was a hint not to be disregarded. Tearing ourselves from the attraction of bright eyes and soft voices, we gallantly entered a coach, and broke the chain of attraction which, like the fabled magnet of Mahomet's coffin, had so long kept me suspended between heaven and earth. Heigho! dear Jules, I confess to twenty-four hours, when a treacherous intention of resigning, to some less inexorable successor, the stall which I so unworthily fill in our self-denying chapter, was insidiously floating before my imagination. But a resolution which has borne me through so many similar dangers in triumph,confessional
of Hymen? The more sincere, and the more frequent the acknowledgments, the more keen and helpless would the bitterness of a spirit so thoroughly bruised become. If you pass through the queen of cities this winter, order a new cushion to my chair; I intend that the sittings of 1827 shall wear well into the mornings!
The road between Baltimore and Washington is neither particularly bad nor particularly good. * It may be well to state, once for all, the following facts concerning the American roads. In all the northern and eastern States, for nine months in the year, they are, as a rule, tolerably good in those parts of the country where the establishments are old enough to admit of it. In the spring, and in the autumn, there are periods when most of the roads are bad. There are many roads, however, as good as the ordinary turnpike roads of England, and which vary very little in quality throughout the year. A traveller in an American stage-coach cannot well compare the roads of the United States with those of England, for the coaches of the former are not suspended on springs, though the seats are sometimes supplied with them. As one quits the older parts of the country, the roads gradually grow worse, until, in the very newest settlements, they are often no more than trees that are marked, or
blazed, to indicate the courses of the route.
I was surprised at the sterility and nakedness of the country through which we journeyed, though I was given to understand that a great deal of the State of Maryland is land of the richest quality. There were one or two small villages on the route, but which, after those we had seen further north, wore a miserable air. I am not certain, however, that they are not quite as good in every particular as the ordinary villages of Europe. Here I first saw fields for the tobacco plant. It grows in hills, not unlike the maize, and is rarely, or never, fenced, no animal but man having a relish for the unsavoury weed.
At the distance of six or seven miles from Washington, we stopped at the village of Bladensburgh, a place notorious for two circumstances. It lies just without the territory of the district of Columbia, and is the spot usually chosen for the decision of private combats; and it is the place where the affair between the English and the Americans was fought a few hours before the former entered the city.
I confess I had thought it surprising that so small a force (about 5000 men) could have taken possession of the capital of so powerful a nation; but a nearer view has entirely dissipated the wonder. It was a point where the Americans, having nothing of military
A 2
I alighted at Bladensburgh, and, accompanied by my friend, walked in advance of the carriage over the ground, attended by a sufficiently intelligent man who had witnessed the whole affair. As it is a little in your way, the details I gleaned shall be rendered as an offering to your military
goût.
Should they fail of the interest which has so often been thrown over the entrances of Moscow and Paris, you know how to make allowances for an inferiority in dramatic effect, which is no more than a natural consequence of the difference between the conquest of a city of half a million of inhabitants, and of a town of eight or nine thousand.
The country around Bladensburgh is gently undulating and moderately wooded. A small stream lies near the village, and between it and the capital. It is crossed by a wooden bridge. So much hurry and indecision appear to have existed among the defenders, that even this bridge was not destroyed, though it might have been rendered impassable in ten minutes. It would seem, however, that many of their troops, such as they were, only reached the ground at the critical moment when they were wanted in
It is easy to criticise the disposition of the American commander. This gentleman was an able lawyer of the adjoining State of Maryland, who had listened to the whisperings of that uneasy ambition which sometimes makes men heroes. He had quitted the gown for the sword a short time before, and probably knew as little about his new profession as you know of the one he had deserted. Lawyer or not, had this gentleman placed his fellow-citizens (for soldiers they cannot be called) in and about the Capitol, and had they only fought as well as they did, he taking care not to give them any particularly favourable opportunity of dispersing, I think General Ross
As we approached the capital, we saw before us an extent of open country that did not appear to be used for any agricultural purposes. It lay, without fences, neglected, and waste. This appearance is common just here, and is owing to the circumstance that tobacco exhausts the soil so much, that, in a country where land and its products are still so cheap, it is not worth the cost of restoring it. We soon got a view of the dome of the Capitol, and the whole of the facade of that noble edifice came into view, as we mounted a slight eminence which had partly concealed it. As my eye first wandered eagerly around, at this point, to gather together the scattered particles of the city, I will take the present occasion to convey a general impression of its appearance.
The seat of government was removed from Philadelphia to this place, in order that it might be more central. So far as a line drawn north and south is in question, this object is sufficiently answered. But Washington stands so very far east of a central meridian as to render it probable that other considerations influenced the change. I have never heard it so said, but nothing is more probable than that the slave-holding States required some such concession to their physical inferiority. At all events, every body appears perfectly satisfied with the present position of the capital. Perhaps, notwithstanding the difference on the map, the place is practically nearer the centre than if it stood farther west. The member from Alabama, or Louisiana, or Missouri, arrives by sea, or by means of the great rivers of the west, with about the same expense of money and of labour as the member from Vermont, Maine, or New-Hampshire. Some one must always have the benefit of being nearest the political centre, and it is of no
Had the plan of the city been as well conceived as its locality there would be less ground of complaint. The perspective of American character was certainly exhibited to great advantage in the conceptions of the individual who laid out the site of this town. It is scarcely possible to imagine a more unfortunate theory than the one he assumed for the occasion. He appears to have egregiously mistaken the relative connexion between streets and houses, since it is fair to infer he would not have been so lavish of the one without the aid of the other, did he hot believe the latter to be made use of as accessories to the former, instead of the reverse, as is every where else found to be the case. And, yet I think, both nature, and art had united to point out the true plan for this city, as I shall endeavour to convince you without delay,
The ground occupied by the city of Washington, may be described as forming a tolerably regular triangle. Two of its sides are washed by the two branches of the Potomac, which diverge towards the north-east and north-West, while on its third, there are no limits to its extent, the land being a somewhat gentle acclivity, gradual on the whole, though undulating, and often broken in its minute parts. The river below the point is a noble stream, stretching for many miles to the southward, in full view of the town. Both of its branches are navigable for near a league. At the distance of about two miles from the point, the main river (west branch), which had hitherto washed a champaign country, enters a range of low mountains, and makes a still
Georgetown is divided, from what is termed Washington City, by a rapid little stream called Rock Creek. * The Americans often call a small river a creek, and brooks of a large size are oftener called creeks than any thing else Schoharie Creek is as large as the Seine, at Paris. It is, to all intents, a rapid river; but the size of many of their rivers is so great as to produce a sort of impression that the smaller streams should be of a different class. † The Americans familiarly call the exceedingly pretty little palace in which their chief magistrate resides, the “White House,” but the true appellation is the President's House.
In point of fact, but few of the avenues or streets are opened, and fewer still are built on. There is one of the former running from the bridge at Georgetown to the first square, and another leads from the President's House to the capitol. There are two or three more which connect important points, though only the two named are sufficiently built on to have the least of the character of a town. There are rather more streets open, though not one of them all is absolutely built up from one end to the other.
In consequence of the gigantic scale on which Washington is planned, and the different interests which influence the population, its inhabitants (including Georgetown) are separated into four distinct little towns, distant from each other about a mile. Thus we have Georgetown in the west, containing 9000 souls; the town immediately around the President's House, (extending towards the Capitol,) with perhaps 10,000; that around the Capitol, of some two or three thousand souls; and the buildings at the Navy-Yard, which lies on the east branch, still a mile further. The whole
city
,
* Georgetown, it will be remembered, is not properly a part of the
city of Washington, though in the district of Columbia; but, in point of fact, it is as nigh the President's House, as is the Capitol. There is also a little group of houses at the junction of the two branches the Polomac.
When the people of the United States determined to have a more central capital, it was thought best to give the general government absolute jurisdiction over it. In order to effect this objects, it was necessary to extinguish the State rights. This was done
* The writer will take this opportunity of introducing a short account of the formation of the government of the United States, since it will assist to explain a good deal of that which is to follow.
The executive power is in the
President. He nominates to office; pardons all offences, except convictions under impeachments; conducts negotiations; sees that the laws are administered, and is the military chief of the army and navy, subject to the laws. He makes treaties with the consent of the Senate, and gives his assent to all laws, though a law can be passed without him, if two-thirds of both houses vote in its favour. The
Senate is the representation of the sovereignty of the States, each State sending two members, who are chosen by their respective legislatures. They serve for six years, one-third vacating their seats every new Congress. They have a concurrent power with the lower house in enacting laws; they ratify treaties; they approve of nominations to office, and they constitute a High Court of Impeachment. The
Representatives are elected directly by the people, one member being sent from a regulated number of electors. They serve for one Congress, which exists two years, commencing on the 4th of March of one year, and ending on the 3d of March of the year but one that follows. The official term of the President is for two of these Congresses, and that of a Senator for three. The Representatives, or members of the lower house, have concurrent power in the enactment of the laws, and being the grand inquest of the nation, they can impeach any officer of government.
Every citizen of the United States, who is twenty-one years of age, and who possesses certain trifling qualifications, can vote for a member of the House of Representatives, provided he himself be a resident of a State. The
confederation is only of the
States; but there are vast regions belonging to them as common property, which do not lie within the boundaries of any State. This country is subdivided for the purposes of convenience, and is governed entirely by the authority of the President and Congress, or according to laws enacted for that purpose. With the exception of one (the
District of Columbia) they are called
territories. Thus, besides the twenty-four States, there are the North-western, Michigan, Arkansas, and Florida territories. Certain legislative rights are granted to all the territories that have a sufficient population, but none is yet granted to the
District of Columbia. Some of the territories even send
delegates to Congress. These
delegates can speak, but they cannot vote. As the territories reach an established rate of population, they are uniformly admitted into the confederation, as
States. It is probable that Michigan, Florida, and Arkansas will be admitted as
States soon after the next census, after which a long period will he likely to elapse without any farther increase of the number of the
States. The great difficulty in making a foreigner comprehend the institutions of the United States; exists in the double form of its government. Neither the President, nor Congress, nor both, have authority to interfere with government beyond the power which has been conceded to them by the States. They can make war, raise armies, lay taxes, send fleets to sea, and do many other things, but they cannot punish a theft, unless committed on the high seas, to which their jurisdiction of course extends, or in some other place where they have the exclusive or a concurrent power. Thus, the President of the United States, may pardon a man convicted or robbing the United States' mail, though the act should have been done in the most crowded street of the city of New-York, because the regulation of the mail, being a matter of public convenience, is vested in the government of the confederation, with all power necessary to its safety and despatch; but, if the same coach should be robbed in a forest, and it did not contain a mail, or something else over which the United States have jurisdiction, the robber would be punished by the laws of the State where the offence was committed. In order that these laws may be executed, each government has its own agents. Thus, there are judges of the State courts, and judges of the courts of the united States. The former have jurisdiction in cases that are strictly municipal, or rather which are confined to their respective States, and the latter in cases which arise under the laws of the United States, or in cases in which the citizens of
different States are parties. This latter power of the courts of the general government is one of the most important features of the confederation. It has a tendency to equalize the State laws, by rendering them all subject to the great principles of the constitution, as well as to those of natural justice. It will be seen at once, that this confederation differs from all that we have hitherto known by the complicated nature of the action and re-action between the people and their general government. It is much the same, in fact, as if charters were given to certain towns, in a constitutional government, whether monarchical or not, under favour of which the inhabitants of those towns were authorized to enact certain laws for their own private convenience, while they continued subject at the same time to the general laws of the empire. The theory is certainly different; for here the power which belongs to the general government, is a concession from the particular States, whereas, in the other case, the power exercised by the corporations would be a concession from the principal government. Still the cases bear so strong a resemblance, that one can readily understand the nature of the two authorities which exist in this country. But we in Europe, while we are accustomed to see cities and universities, and even parts of empires, exercising this species of divided sovereignty, have not been accustomed to see them exercising it to the extent that is practised in America. The difference arises from the common circumstance, that the conceding party has, in both cases, seen to fit to retain the most of the power in its own hands.
I think you must be enabled to understand the anomaly of the district of Columbia. It has been necessarily fostered by the nation, for as it has been entirely called into existence, as a separate community,
Vol.
IIforce a town
, establishments have been formed which will probably linger in a doubtful state of existence for a long time to come, if, indeed, they ever prosper. Among others is that of the Navy-Yard.
The village around the Navy-Yard is the least important of the three which properly constitute the community assembled at Washington Proper. You will remember that I now exclude Georgetown from this enumeration. It possesses a different city government, though it is, in point of fact, quite as near the centre, or the President's House, as the Capitol. Alexandria, a little city, also, of about 9000 inhabitant,
As the department of the navy, and the board of naval commissioners, are both established at Washington, this yard may be of some service in the way of modelling, and for the superintendence of inventions. A ship built here is said to cost more than one built in any of the more northern ports, and it is therefore plain, that when the size of their marine shall compel the Americans to observe a rigid economy in its construction, the relative importance of this yard must cease. It may long continue a school for experiments, but it can never become what was once anticipated for it, a large and flourishing building establishment.
I saw, in the Navy-Yard at Washington, the only public monument in commemoration of the dead that I could find in the city, unless a few simple stones, erected around the graves of members of Congress, who have died while here in the discharge of their official duties, can be so termed. This little monument was erected to commemorate the deaths of the officers who fell in the war with Tripoli; a war to which the United States' marine owes its present high and merited character. It is a simple column,
Now it struck me that this inscription was in singularly bad taste. The incursion of General Ross was not an affair in which either party should exult. It was no extraordinary military achievement for four or five thousand highly disciplined troops; to land under the protection of an overwhelming naval force, * The frigates ascended the river to Alexandria.destroyed
this small monument, instead of
mutilating
it, by knocking the heads off one or two small marble angels. The very nature of the injury proves it was the act of an individual, and not of the authority, which alone should be considered responsible for any grave national accusation. Cadwallader is of my opinion, as, indeed, were half-a-dozen naval officers who showed us through the yard. The latter said that the inscription was by order of an officer of rank, who had reasons for a special degree of antipathy against their late enemy. No man, especially in a country like this, should be permitted, however, thus to interpose his personal resentments between a nation and its dignity.
It is more than a mile from the quarter of the Navy-Yard to that of the Capitol. I have read accounts of this place, which convey an idea that it was lately a forest, and that the wood had been felled in order to make a space to receive the town. There is some
B 2
The quarter of the Capitol stands on elevated ground, and is certainly the most picturesque portion of the city proper. The Capitol itself is placed on the brow of a considerable declivity, and commands a noble view. There is something exceedingly imposing in the aspect of this building, with its powerful accessories of scenery and of moral association. I shall beg your patience while I attempt an imperfect description.
The edifice is of a light greyish freestone. It has been found necessary to paint it white, in order to conceal the marks of the smoke left by the conflagration of 1814. This is in better taste than the inscription on the monument. The effect of a clear, brilliant white, under so fine a sun, is in itself exceedingly
The Capitol is composed of a centre and two wings. The former is something more than 150 feet square, or nearly square, and the latter are each just 100. The several parts are in a line on the eastern front, and consequently the wings are thrown back on the western. This irregularity of the western facade is a great defect: it impairs the unity, and consequently the majesty, of the edifice. There are too many angles, those fatal blots on the beauty of architecture. There is another serious defect in the building as seen from the west: the centre is not only a story higher, but it is also a story lower than the wings. On this side the edifice stands on the brow of the hill. In order to profit by the formation of the ground, a basement, which is below the level of the earth to the east, but not to the west, has been constructed beneath the centre. But this basement necessarily comes into the view; and the fact of its being painted white, coupled with its airy situation, gives the whole construction the air of a mighty ostrich which is just extending its little wings from the centre of a clumsy body, not to fly, but to scud across the plain beneath. The effect of a fine colonnade is much weakened by this substructure of the edifice. But you, who have so often seen the Louvre, can understand how easy it is to give the basement too much importance in a building; and you, too, who know the Garde Meuble so well, must be sensible of the fine effect of a judicious observance of the proper proportions. Some plan is in agitation to conceal this superabundance of foundation; but it is rare indeed that a capital defect
The eastern front of the Capitol promises to be beautiful: it possesses unity of design, perfect simplicity of outline, and a noble colonnade. As it is not, however, yet completed, it would be premature to pronounce with confidence on its final appearance. The building stands in a spacious inclosure, which is itself nearly surrounded by houses. These dwellings are of bricks, three stories high, and decent, without being in the least elegant. Much the greater part of them are occupied as lodging-houses for the members during the session. There are also a few short streets built about the Capitol.
You will have understood that the plan of the city is that of an infinite number of wide streets intersecting each other at right angles, and which, in their turn, are obliquely intersected by sundry great avenues, which are intended to shorten the distances between the more important points, and, I presume, to beautify the city. Several of these avenues diverge from the Capitol square, like radii from a common centre. They are called after the different States. One, the Pennsylvania Avenue, is the principal street of Washington. Standing at the Capitol, the view along this avenue is somewhat striking. It is built on more than one-half of its whole length, and it is terminated by an oblique view of the President's House. You will bear in mind, that as very few of the dwellings on this avenue approach the Capitol, they form part of another quarter. Still, paved walks and a few scattered buildings, serve to give them something of the air of
beginning
to belong to the same town.
The quarter of the President's House is less compact and more populous than either of the four. It forms, properly, the heart of the city. It approaches towards Georgetown on one side, and the Capitol on
It is unnecessary to say any thing more of Georgetown, which is a well-built, clean, and rather pretty town. The avenues between this place and the Navy-Yard, a distance of near five miles, are like so much
grande route
which runs through a little cultivated, but open country, on which stands one straggling town, and a village, and which terminates in a cluster of houses. The buildings of the towns, or villages, on the route, are much like those of other small towns, with the exception of the public edifices, which are like those one sees in a city. If you can reconcile all these contradictions, you may get a tolerably accurate notion of the capital of the United States of America. You will recollect that the whole population of the place, or places, (Georgetown included,) is about 25,000 souls. The whole district, Alexandria included, contains 40,000.
The President's House is a neat, chaste building, of the Ionic order, built of the same material, and painted like the Capitol. It stands on a public square, and in a considerable garden, and is one hundred and seventy feet in length, by eighty-five in breadth. In a parallel line with one of its fronts, though a little in advance, stand the offices of the four great departments. They are large buildings of brick, and are placed in pairs, on each side of the “white house,” one in front of the other, having open courts between them. The two most in advance have plain colonnades; but the other two are as naked as can be. Besides these buildings there are one or two more in a distant part of this straggling quarter, which merit no particular description.
Washington,—
My
attention, after our arrival at this place, was early called to the great body, which was about to assemble. We had taken a little suite of rooms in a lodging-house, or rather tavern, which soon began to fill with members of Congress from all quarters of the country. Perhaps of the whole legislative corps of the country, there is not a single individual who is the proprietor of a dwelling at the seat of government. Those who are of sufficient estate to main tain two houses, have their town residences in the capitals of their own particular States, though a very large majority of the members are far from being men
* Does not this fact go to confirm the opinion of Cadwallader, that frugality in the public expenditure of a country, is by no means a necessary consequence of power resting in the hands of the comparatively poor?
A member of the Congress of the United States is, in fact, what the office professes to be, a representative of the people. It is not pretended that he should be, as a matter of course, a gentleman, in the ordinary acceptation of the term. On the contrary, he is very commonly a plain, though always a respectable yeoman, and not unfrequently a mechanic. I remember to have passed a night, in one of the northern States, in a vary good, cleanly, cheap and comfortable inn, whose master was a member of the lower house. In the southern States, where the white men of smaller fortunes are by no means of so elevated a character as their brethren of the north, a choice from the middling classes rarely happens; but from the more northern, eastern, and north-western States, such selections are by no means uncommon.
When Cadwallader first directed my attention to this fact, I confess a little surprise entered into my view of the composition of the American legislature. Perhaps the circumstance of so material a difference between the Congress and the British Parliament was at the bottom of my wonder; for we in Europe are perhaps a little too apt to try all experiments in liberty, by those which England has so long practised with such comparative success. I alluded, a little freely, to the circumstance of their having so far departed from the practice of the mother country, with a view of extracting an opinion on the subject from my companion. The plan was successful.
“If departure from the policy of our ancestors is to create your wonder, the feeling should be neither new nor trifling. What we do now, in this particular, we have practised, not only without inconvenience, but with signal success, for near seven generations. The representation under the crown differed but little from that of the present day. It is, in truth, a representation; and the surprise should be, not that the people choose so many men of a situation in life closely resembling that of the majority, but rather that they choose so few. There is a practical good sense in the mass of the community, here, that tells them a certain degree of intelligence and of respectability of character is needed in a representative of the nation. No one will deny that they sometimes deceive themselves, but, on the whole, they are sufficiently critical. For native talent, practical intelligence, moral character, and political honesty, the Congress of the United States need not dread a comparison with the legislature of any other country. I do not mean to say that they are perfect, but I am quite certain, from tolerably close observation, that they do as much good and as little harm as any other similar body in the world.
“He who enters the halls of Congress, expecting
Vol.
II.
“You will see on the floors of Congress men belonging to every condition of society known to our community, with the exception of that which necessarily infers great ignorance and vulgarity. All the members are respectable, and very many of them are gentlemen. There are some who are scholars, and not a few have been improved by travel and by observation of other countries. A remote frontier district, however, must send such men as it possesses, or trust its peculiar interests to those who have but little concern in its welfare. The Senate is, in some respects, rather more select than the lower house, because their constituents have a State instead of a
“In the British Parliament there is some show of this universality of representation. Certain corporations send men of their own stamp; but in England every thing has a tendency to aristocracy, while, in this country, every thing which pertains to the government must seek its support in the democracy. The “worthy alderman,” who may have commenced life behind a counter, endeavours to forget his apron when he takes his seat on the opposition benches. Instead of returning to his shop when the session is ended, he becomes a deserter to aristocracy, the moment he has received the seal of office from the people. How far he may contribute to the boasted refinement of the higher classes, I cannot pretend to say; but it is certain that he does not, like his American prototype, assist to give respectability and elevation to that of which he was originally a member. It is this elevation of character among the middling, and even among the more inferior classes of our community, which chiefly distinguishes us from all other nations. Europe must show a population as much accustomed to political power, as moderate in its exercise, as practised in all that controls the general interests of life, and as shrewd in their estimate of character, as this of ours, before she should pretend to infer the results of democratic institutions by any facts drawn from her own experience. We do not deny the universality of human impulses, we only insists that governments have not the habit of giving them fair play. The two houses of Congress are, and ever have been, living proofs that the majority of men are not disposed to abuse power when it is once fairly intrusted to them. There is not a doubt that the comparatively poor and ignorant might fill all our legislative chairs with men of their own
We proceeded to the Capitol in a coach. Alighting at the foot of the hill, we mounted it to a door on the western facade, and entered the edifice through its
* The writer is himself but a traveller, and he should, therefore, speak reverently of the craft. But he will seize this occasion to express his surprise at the very different view which he has taken of visible objects from those of some others of the class, who, like himself, have been pleased to put their observations before the world. In the “Personal Narrative of Lieutenant the Honourable Frederic de Roos,” p. 15, is the following sentence, while speaking of the apartment just named: “The walls are destitute of ornament, if we except some pieces of sculpture, representing various wars and treaties with the Indians. The artist might have selected subjects more creditable to his country.” Now, if the writer has not been greatly deceived, these four bas-reliefs are on the following subjects: the landing of the pilgrims on the Rock of Plymouth; the Treaty of William Penn with the natives for the possession of their soil; the beautiful and touching story of Pocahontas saving the life of Captain Smith, and a personal rencontre of Colonel Boon, the patriarch of Kentucky, with the savages. These are four distinct historical events, which are connected with the settlement of the four principal parts of the Union. More illustrious incidents might have been chosen, beyond a doubt: but there is certainly nothing discreditable to the American character in those they have selected for this propose.substratum.
Passing among a multitude of eating rooms, &c. &c., we ascended, by a noble flight of massive steps, to the true basement, or to that story which runs through the whole building. Directly under the dome is a gloomy vaulted hall, that I have heard called the “caucus;” more, I believe, from its fancied fitness for the political meetings that are thus termed, than from the fact that it has ever actually been appropriated to such an use. It has the air, however, of being admirably adapted to the purposes of a secret conclave, though, in truth, it is a common thoroughfare of the building. Immediately above the “caucus” is the principal hall. It is circular, large, high, and covered with a fine dome. There is not much richness in the ornaments of this hall, though it is sufficiently wrought to prevent the appearance of nakedness. It contains, among other things, four bas-reliefs in stone, which are intended to illustrate as many of the most striking incidents in the original settlement of the country.
From the great hall we passed into that of the House of Representatives. My friend was formerly a member, and by an usage he is permitted to enter the body of the chamber, or rather to occupy a seat that is only separated from those of the actual members by a slight division. Under his auspices, and by the aid of a little interest, I was permitted to be his companion.
The hall of the House of Representatives, without being particularly rich, or highly wrought, is one of the most beautiful apartments I have ever entered. The form is semicircular. It is lighted from above, and from windows on its straight side. Between these windows and the body of the hall, is a sort of lobby or gallery, which is separated from the other parts by a colonnade. Here the members and privileged persons promenade, converse, stand, listen, or repose, without, in fact, quitting the room. It is
C 2
In the centre of the diameter which cuts the circle is the Speaker's chair. It is, in fact, a little sofa, sufficiently large to hold, on occasion, the President of the United States, the President of the Senate, and the Speaker. Immediately in front, and four or five feet lower, is a chair for the presiding member, when the house acts as a committee. On a line with the Speaker the clerks have their places. In front of the chair there is a vacant semicircular space of perhaps five-and-twenty feet in diameter. Then the seats of the members commence. They are arranged in semicircular rows, preserving the form of the exterior walls, and are separated by a great number of little openings, to admit of a passage between them. Each member has an arm-chair and a low desk, in mahogany. In the first row, they sit in pairs, or there is a vacant space between every two, and each successive row increases its number by one member. Thus, in the last row, some six or seven are placed side by side, as on a bench (though actually on chairs), while those in front are in pairs. The practice is for those who arrive first to choose their seats, and the choice is invariably respected.
There is no such thing known as a political division of seats. Members of the same politics certainly often choose to be placed near to each other, and sometimes the entire representation of a particular State is to be seen as near together as possible. But there is no rule in the matter.
The seats of the members are separated from the semicircular passage in which Cadwallader and myself were placed, by no other division than a low railing. Sofas lined the whole of the exterior wall: and as the floor rises a little from the centre, or the area in front of the Speaker, we had the best possible opportunity
The house was organized when we entered, and was engaged in some business of form. Nearly all the seats were occupied; and, as the message was expected, the gallery was crowded with ladies and well-dressed men. The privileged places around the floor of the hall were nearly all filled. The Speaker was uncovered, but most of the members wore their hats. No one appeared in costume, nor is there any official dress prescribed to the members of Congress for any ceremony whatever.
After what Cadwallader had told me of the true character of the representation of his country, I confess I was rather surprised with the appearance of the individuals who composed this assembly. It was to be expected, that they should all be well attired, but, on the whole, with some very few exceptions, they had quite as much the air of the world about them as those who compose the chambers of the two first nations of Europe. No one is allowed to sit in the lower house who has not attained the age of five-and-twenty; but, in point of fact, there is not, probably, a single member of Congress who has seen less than thirty years. The greater number seemed to be men between the ages of thirty-five and fifty-five. There were but very few who could be termed old. All, or very nearly all, were natives of the country.
I was struck with the simple but imposing aspect of this assembly. Though so totally destitute of any personal decorations, the beauty of the hall, with its magnificent row of massive columns, * The roof of the hall of the House of Representatives is supported by a noble semicircle of columns of pudding-stone. They are highly polished, and have a pleasing no less than a striking effect.
A discussion on some question of order was getting to be a little general, and one member was addressing the chair [they speak from their places, as in the British Parliament] with some earnestness, when the principal door was thrown open, and an officer proclaimed aloud, “A message from the President.” The members all rose in their places, the Speaker included, when a young gentleman entered, and passed through the body of the house to the chair. He was attired in a neat morning-dress, and having placed his document in the hand of the Speaker, he bowed and withdrew. It was then decided that the communication should be read. * The instances of a propensity in Europeans to misconstrue the political and moral condition of the United States are numberless. One may be quoted here with propriety. Since the return of the writer to Europe, he has, on more than one occasion, heard the fact that the President of the United States sends a message to Congress, commented on in a significant manner, as if the circumstance were portentous of some great political change! “Parliament would scarcely brook a
message,” said an Englishman, with emphasis, when the subject was alluded to. The writer saw nothing, at the time, in the thing itself but the most perfect simplicity; but, determined to sift the matter to the bottom, he mentioned the subject in a letter to his American friend, and extracts a part of his reply: “I am not at all surprised,” said Cadwallader, “that thousands in Europe should easily pervert every possible circumstances into an evidence of a state of things which they rather desire than seriously expect. There has not been a single change, however, in all our usages, which goes less to prove the justness of their anticipations, than the fact you have mentioned. When the government, as it now exists, was first organized, Washington met the two houses and made his annual communication in a speech. The practice had prevailed in the colonial legislatures. We have never been in a hurry to make unnecessary innovations. Reform marches with a dignified pace—it is revolution that is violent. The States continued the practice of the colonies. It was quite natural that the first Presidents should conform to existing usages for a time. We have never been great sticklers for shadows, though no principle is ever listened to that is likely to entail a disadvantage. In the course of a few years, men began to ask themselves, why does the President make a speech at the opening of a session? He sends messages at all other times, and why not on this occasion? The substance of what he has to communicate, can be told by a message quite as well as by a speech. The amount of it all then is, that the parade of a speech is a mere matter of state and show, and although some little ceremony is, perhaps, necessary, we ought to have as little as possible, since common sense, which is our palladium, is always a sufferer in ceremonies. You will understand me; a state
of society may exist, in which it is good sense to adopt ceremony, but such is not the case in the year 1827, in the United States of America. Every sage physician adapts his remedy to the disease. Mr. Jefferson dispensed with speeches, because they did no good, and might do harm by drawing us nearer to the usages of Europe, when it is so often our business to recede from them. For my own part, I think it rather better as it is, though it cannot be a matter of much moment. It is, however, odd enough, that the very usage which has been adopted for its simplicity and republicanism, should be tortured into a proof of a directly contrary tendency. It may be a sufficient answer to the remark of your English friend, that the British Parliament would be apt to grumble at receiving a message from king, to say that should Congress net receive one from the President at a pretty early day in the session, they would be very apt to appoint a committee to inquire why he had forgotten to lay the state of the nation before them. I am no quarreller about terms, and I leave you to decide where the substance of things is to be found.”
When the message was ended, Cadwallader introduced me to several of the members to whom he was personally known. Most of them were men of good manners, and of education, though one or two were certainly individuals who had paid far more attention to the substance of things than to forms. The former were of course of that class of society which, in Europe; would be termed the gentry, and the others were probably farmers, if not mechanics. There was an air of great self-possession and decorum in the latter; nor could the slightest visible difference be traced between the respect which they received, and that which their more polished confederates bestowed on each other. A simple, quiet courtesy is certainly the tone of manners in Congress. While we stood together in the lobby, a grave-looking, middle-aged man, of a slightly rustic air, approached, and addressed my companion. His manner was manly and independent, but at the same time decent, and I think it was to be distinguished by a shade of respect. They shook hands, and conversed a little concerning some questions of local politics. Promises were made of exchanging visits. “This is my friend, the —,” said Cadwallader; “a gentleman who is travelling in our country,” The stranger saluted me, offering his hand with the utmost simplicity. “If this gentleman comes into our part of the country, I hope to see him,” he said, and soon after took his leave. When he was gone, I learned that this individual was a member of Congress from the county in which the paternal
While quitting the Capitol, two more members of Congress spoke to Cadwallader. They walked with us the whole length of the avenue. One of them was a man of a fashionable air, and of exceedingly good manner. He spoke French, and we conserved together
“You will begin to know us in time,” returned Cadwallader. “Those men are both lawyers. He whose air and language are so unexceptionable, is a member of a family long known in this country for its importance. You see he has not lost, nor will he be likely to let his posterity lose, the manners of the world. He is far from being rich, nor is he remarkable for talent, though rather clever. You find he has a seat in Congress. The other is the child of an affluent tradesman, who has given his son an education for the bar, but who could not give him what he had not himself,—a polished exterior. But he is gleaning, and, before he dies, he will be in the way of imparting a better air to his descendants. In this manner is the whole of our community slowly rising in the scale of mere manners. As to talent, this provincial lawyer, for he is provincial in practice as
Washington,—
I have
been it daily visiter at the Capitol. The proceedings of the two houses are never without interest, since they control the entire foreign policy of this growing republic, which is daily becoming of more importance in the eyes of Christendom. Some of the peculiar practice of American legislation may be of interest, and before I write of individuals, I will attempt a brief outline of their forms.
You probably know already that the President of the United States is assisted by a cabinet. It is composed of four secretaries, (state, treasury, war, and navy,) and of the Attorney-General. As the President is alone answerable for his proper acts, these ministers
Vol
II
The President of the United States has no voice in the appointment of any officer whatever, under the government of a State. The government of a State as no voice whatever in the enactment of the laws, or in the appointment of the officers, of the United States. There may be, and unquestionably there sometimes is, a reciprocal influence exerted between them; but the instances are rare, and liable to a good deal of explanation. It is not probable that the government of the United States ever interests itself at all in the appointments of a State; but, as the appointments of the United States are often of a nature to produce a direct effect on the interests of a particular State, it is not uncommon for the members of its government to lend their influence to such applicants as they believe the most likely to be of benefit to its community. Still, it is no more than influence; no two governments in the world being more perfectly distinct from each other, than that of the United States and that of an individual member of the confederation, if we make the single exception, that both are bound to respect the great principles of the constitution.
It is an unsettled point whether Congress has a right to admit the ministers to possess consultative voices in
The exclusion of the ministers from the debates is thought, by many people, to be a defect, since, instead of the verbal explanations which they might give, if present, it is now necessary to make formal demands on the different departments for information. On the other hand, it is contended that the existing practice compels members to make themselves familiar with details, and that they are none the worse legislators for their labour. In no case could the minister be allowed to vote; or even to propose a law, directly.
For the introduction of the laws, there are two courses in practice, though only one in theory. Each Secretary makes a formal report of the state of his particular department at the commencement of every session. In this report, he takes care to recommend those measures that he deems needful for his immediate branch of the public service. The substance of these reports is embodied in the message of the President; and it, the duty of that high officer to
* Once in two years.
The President and his cabinet believe the public good requires that a dozen regiments should be added to the army. The fact is communicated to Congress, in the annual message, accompanied by a statement of the political events which have induced the necessity. Then comes the report of the Secretary, with a detailed view of the present force, and a general comparative statement of that which it is thought willcommittee.
This, you know, is a practice derived from the English Parliament. The bill, amended or not, is first passed by the committee of the whole house; but its opponents have still a chance to dispute its passage in the house itself. When it has passed one of the houses, it is sent to the other, where it goes through the same forms. It is hardly necessary to say that the committees of the two houses commonly consult together, and make their reports as nearly alike as possible. In general they are the same, though the fate of a bill is by no means sure because it has been approved by the committees. All these forms do not prevent individual members from offering bills of their own; it is merely a practice, adopted to favour examination, and to expedite business.
When a bill has passed the two houses, it is signed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President of the Senate, and sent to the President for his approbation. That officer submits it to his cabinet, as a matter of prudence and of courtesy, though not of right. Should he choose it, however, he can demand the written opinion of any of his ministers, and then the individual who gives it may be supposed to become responsible for the honesty of his views. The President decides as he sees fit; there remaining no alternative to the minister but submission, or separation from an administration of whose policy he disapproves. If the President sign the bill, it is a law; but if he does not sign it, he is obliged to send it back to Congress with his reasons Should he neglect to do either, ten days, it becomes
D 2
The Congress of the United States is not remarkable for the despatch of public business, nor is it desirable that it should be. One of the greatest merits of the peculiar government of the country, is to be found in the fact, that the people are left, as much as possible, to be the agents of their own prosperity. The object of the laws is protection rather than patronage. Haste is rarely necessary, where such a state of society exists; and though there may be, and, undoubtedly, frequently is, inconvenience in the delays that sometimes occur, more good than evil is thought to follow the practice. The cause of delay most complained of, is the habit of making set speeches, which is, perhaps, too common.
You are not, however, to suppose that a member actually talks seventy-two hours without stopping, because he is said to have occupied the house three days. Though Æolus himself does not seem to be longer winded than some of the American legislators, none of them are quite equal to such a blast. If we say nine hours, perhaps, we get the maximum of their breath; and even this period is to be divided into three several and distinct divisions. The houses meet at twelve o'clock. They are commonly occupied in the order of the day until two, when they go into committees of the whole, or take up the deferred business. This leaves the Demosthenes of the occasion but three hours each day for the exercise of his oratory. But bottom enough for three days, on the same subject, is not the fortunate quality of many
The Americans are fond of argument. They discuss in society, a thing which is done nowhere else, I believe. The habit is often disagreeable, since their opinions are not unfrequently coarsely urged; but the truth is profusely shaken from its husks, in these sharp, intellectual encounters. It is not surprising, that men, who have been accustomed all their lives to have a word in what is passing, should carry the desire to speak into a body which is professedly deliberative. Still, if the trifling inconvenience of these delays shall be put in contrast with the cold and uncalculating injury, the prodigal expenditure, and the quiet corruption with which legislation so often flows on in its silent course, elsewhere, the advantage will be found immensely on the side of these talkers.
In point of manner, the debates in both houses of Congress are conducted with decorum. Those in the Senate are particularly dignified; that body maintaining, at all times, rather more of gravity than the other. In the Senate, the members are all uncovered; in the lower house, they wear their hats, if they please. The arrangements of the two halls are very much the same; but the Senate chamber is, of course, much the smallest. The members of the Senate may be, on the whole, rather older than the representatives; though there are several between the ages of thirty and five-and-forty. It is necessary to be thirty, in order to sit.
The forms of the two houses are the same. They meet at a stated hour (12 o'clock), and, after listening to prayers, the regular business of the day is commenced. You would probably suppose that, in a
* The writer was afterwards present when a Roman Catholic preached to both houses of Congress in the hall of the House of Representatives, although it is not probable that more than one or two of the members were of his religious persuasion, if, indeed, there was one. Nearly all of the higher officers of government were present, though they were Protestants to a man. Nor was there any show of liberality in the affair at all, but every thing appeared natural, and quite as a matter of course.
Although instances of want of temper and of violent expressions have certainly occurred in Congress, they are rare, and always strongly condemned. Each new speaker is patiently heard, and there is no other manner of manifesting indifference to his logic practised, than those of writing letters, reading newspapers, and sometimes of quitting the hall. There is far greater silence than in the French Chambers, though more moving about than in the House of Commons, for the simple reason that there is more room to do it in. There is sometimes a low laugh; but systematic coughing is never heard. Cries of approbation or of disapprobation, interruptions, unless to demand order, or any other similar indecencies, are unknown. These people appear to me to have no fear of themselves, or of any body else, in matters
Washington,—
To
you, who so stoutly maintain that the regulations of etiquette are necessary to order, it may be surprising to learn with how little of preparation the functionaries of this government get through the ceremonials of their offices. Just so far as etiquette is of use in facilitating intercourse, is it rational; but these people very rightly believe, that their institutions enable them to move on with far less than is
In point of style, there is none whatever practised in addressing any one officer of the government. The naked appellation of the office is used in conversation sometimes, and commonly, though not always in notes and letters. The tone can be taken best from the incumbents themselves. An invitation to dine at the “White House,” always runs, “The President requests the pleasure,” &c. A secretary commonly says, “Mr.—requests,” &c. Now the best style, and that which is expected, is to reply in the same form. Thus a note should be addressed “To Mr. —,” to, “the President,” “To Mr. Adams, (the secretary of state),” or “To Mr. Southard (the secretary of the navy).” The use of honourable to either, or indeed to any one else, is not deemed
bon ton.
It is done, however, quite frequently by those who are ignorant of the tone of the place. The use of the terms “excellency” and “honourable,” came in with the colonial practices. I have more than once had occasion to say that these people have never been violent in their innovations. The changes in things not deemed material, have always been gradual, and the work of time. Washington, at the head of the army, was called “his excellency,” as a matter of course, and he carried the title with him to the chair of state. The colonial governors had the same title, and one of the States (Massachusetts) continued it in its constitution. But, though often observed, even now, it is a practice gradually falling into disuse. It is not seriously pretended there is any thing anti-republican in giving a title to a public officer; indeed many contend it should be done, as a way of imparting more consideration to the rank; but, as near as I can learn, the taste of the nation is silently receding from the custom. Cadwallader tells me that, twenty years ago, it would have been thought rather a breach
“Twenty years ago.” he continued, “an officer of the militia, above the rank of captain, was sure of bearing his title; but now, among men of a certain class, it is getting into disuse, unless one has reached the rank perhaps of general. There is no general rule, however, as the people of the country are fond of calling a man by, the title of an office which they may have had an agency in conferring. I think there is a quiet waggery in the nation, that takes pleasure in giving quaint names. Thus, dwarfs are often called ‘major’ * The writer has just seen an American play-bill, in which Major Stevens, a dwarf, is advertised to enact the part of Tom There is also a strange effect, in the way of names, produced by reading. The writer met several men, who were called
Don Sebastian,
Don Alonzo, &c. &c. In one instance, he knew a person who was called Lord George Gordon. The latter proceeded from waggery, but the mothers of the former had found names in books that captivated their fancy. Women of a similar rank of life in Europe, would, know but little of titles beyond the limits of their own parishes.
In conversation, the actual President, I find, is called Colonel Monroe. I am told his predecessors were addressed as Mr. Madison, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Adams, and General Washington.
* The present President (1828) is called Mr. Adams. The writer never heard the term “excellency” used, in speaking to him or to his predecessor.
No civil officer of the government has a costume, except the judges of the supreme court. The latter wear, in court, plain black silk gowns. They commenced with wigs and scarlet robes, but soon discarded them as inconvenient. The President might, on occasion, appear attired either as a general or an admiral; and, in some instances, Washington did as the former; but it is the usage for the President to
The constitution has shown a marked jealousy of the introduction of any distinctions that are not solely attached to office, which, as you know, are fluctuating, and entirely dependent on popular favour. Thus, no American can receive a title, or a decoration, from a foreign court, without losing his citizenship, nor can any officer of the government receive even a trifling present from another power. There are a good many people here whose fathers bore titles. In all cases, where use had not become too strong, they
Vol.
II.
The etiquette of the American government is as simple as possible. Some attention to forms is found convenient, and as so many foreign ministers reside here, perhaps it is necessary. The practice of all American society, in respect to precedency, is very much like your own, always excepting the great officers of the two governments. Age, talent, and character, exercise a great and a natural influence, and there, I think, the matter is permitted to rest. A governor of a State, or even a Senator of the United
* The writer, since his return to Europe, has had an opportunity of ascertaining how far the question of precedency is sometimes pushed in England. At an entertainment given not long since in London, there were present, besides many Englishmen of rank, a Russian and a Roman Prince. The high-bred English peers could not hesitate to give the
pas to the strangers; but these gentlemen were delicate in respect of each other. The question was one far too awful for the mistress of the house to attempt to decide. After the whole party had stood in reverential silence for a sufficiently awkward minute, the ladies moved to the banquet in a body, followed by the gentlemen in the same solitary order. Within a fortnight of that memorable
coup d'étiquette, the writer was present at a similar entertainment at Paris. Here there were also men of distinction from different countries, without any graduated scale to determine their corelative rank. There was, however, one gentleman whose claims, though a countryman of the hostess, might, in all fairness, be considered to be pre-eminent, since, to personal rank, he united the highest talents, and the utmost private merit. The lady of the houses, in order to anticipate any doubts, took his arm, and then, with exquisite grace and tact, she saw each of the other claimants accommodated with a proper companion, and every one advanced towards the
salle à manger in less than a minute.
The present Secretary of State
* The actual President.
At Washington official rank is certainly more attended to than elsewhere. I cannot give you an insight into the whole table of precedency, but some of its secrets have been practically divulged in my presence. The day after our arrival, Cadwallader and myself left cards at the President's House; at the houses of the heads of departments; at those of the foreign ministers; and at the lodgings of a dozen Senators. We met sundry members of Congress, but my friend did not appear to think it necessary to treat them as personages entitled to particular deference. Their claims, form a disputed point, I find; but Cadwallader knows his own foothold in society too well to trouble himself with a disputed point. We called on a few, as “good fellows,” but on none officially.
Our cards were all returned, except by the President. During the session this functionary never visits, though he receives twice a week. Between the sessions, when the society of Washington is reduced to a very few families, I understand he consults his own pleasure. In the course of the week we received
Cadwallader was personally known to Mr. Monroe (the President), and we took an opportunity to repeat our call between the time of leaving our cards and the day of the dinner. The principal entrance of the “White House” communicates with a spacious vestibule, or rather a hall. From this we passed into an apartment, where those who visit the President, in the mornings, are to wait their turns for the interview. Our names had been given in at the door, and after two or three, who preceded us, had been admitted, we were desired to follow the domestic. Our reception was in a cabinet, and the visit of course quite short. Colonel Monroe received us politely, but with an American gravity, which perhaps was not misplaced in such an officer. He offered his hand to me, though an entire stranger; and asked the commonplace questions concerning my visit to the country. We took our leave in less than ten minutes.
I found the President a man of a gentlemanlike, but of a grave and simple deportment. He expressed his hope of seeing us soon again, in a way to make me suspect we had rather been invited to his dinner, as a matter of course, than by any express commands. Let that be as it might, we went on the appointed day, with as much confidence as if the banquet were expressly spread in our behalf.
On this occasion we were honoured with the presence of Mrs. Monroe, and of two or three of her female relatives. Crossing the hall, we were admitted to a drawing-room, in which most of the company was already assembled. The hour was six. By far the greater part of the guests were men, and perhaps
E 2
* The wife of the President is always styled the same as any other lady.
The drawing-room was an apartment of a good size, and of just proportions. It might have been about as large as a better sort of Paris
salon
, in a private hotel. It was furnished in a mixed style, partly English and partly French, a custom that prevails a good deal in all the fashions of this country. It was neat, sufficiently rich, without being at all magnificent, and, on the whole, was very much like a similar apartment in the house of a man of rank and fortune in Europe. The dining-room was in a better taste than is common here, being quite simple, and but little furnished. The table was large and rather handsome. The service was in china, as is uniformly the case, plate being exceedingly rare, if at all used. There was, however, a rich plateau, and a great abundance
The dinner was served in the French style, a little Americanized. The dishes were handed round, though some of the guests, appearing to prefer their own customs, very coolly helped themselves, to what they found at hand. Of attendants there were a good many. They were neatly dressed, out of livery, and sufficient. To conclude, the whole entertainment might have passed for a better sort of European dinner party, at which the guests were too numerous for general, or very agreeable discourse, and some of them too
new
to be entirely at their ease. Mrs. Monroe arose at the end of the desert, and withdrew, attended by two or three of the most gallant of the company. Being a stranger, Jules, I forgot the credit of the club, and remained to see it out. No sooner was his wife's back turned, than the President of the United States reseated himself, inviting his guests to imitate the action, with a wave of the hand, that seemed to say, “Now have we a matrimonial fourth of July.” Has it never struck you, Comte de Béthizy, that these domestic subjects feel a species of momentary triumph, as they figure at the head of their tables without any rival in authority near? Your Englishman, and his cis-atlantic kinsman, are the only real slaves in their own households. Most other husbands consider matrimony, more or less, a conveniences; but these downright moralists talk of its obligations and duties, Obligations! There is our triumph. It is when they feel the man within them waxing bold, as they imbibe courage with their wine, that the wife prudently retires, rather than remain to dispute a sway that she knows is about to weaken itself, by libations to victory. I never feel so thoroughly independent as when I see one of your immoderately henpecked heroes, bristling up and chuckling with glee as he looks around on the domestic throne which
I cannot say that Colonel Monroe abused his opportunity. After allowing all his guests sufficient time to renew, in a few glasses, the recollections of similar enjoyments of their own, he arose himself, giving the hint to his company, that it was time to join the ladies. In the drawing-room coffee was served, and every body left the house before nine.
On the succeeding Wednesday, Mrs. Monroe opened her doors to all the world. No invitation was necessary, it being the usage for the wife of the President to receive once a fortnight during the session, without distinction of persons. I waited for this evening with more curiosity than any that I remember ever to have sighed for. I could not imagine what would be the result. To my fancy, a more hazardous experiment could not be attempted. “How dare she risk the chance of insult—of degradation? or how can she tolerate the vulgarity and coarseness to which she must be exposed?” was the question I put to Cadwallader. “
Nous verrons
” was the phlegmatic answer.
We reached the White House at nine. The court (or rather the grounds) was filled with carriages, and the company was arriving in great numbers. On this occasion two or three additional drawing-rooms were opened;though the frugality of Congress has prevented them from finishing the principal reception-room of the building. * The people furnish the entire house. It is the practice to make a moderate appropriation for that purpose, at the accession of each new President.
The “evening” at the White House, or the drawing-room, as it is sometimes pleasantly called, is in fact a collection of all classes of people who choose to go to the trouble and expense of appearing in dresses suited to an ordinary evening party. I am not sure that even dress is much regarded; for I certainly saw a good many men there in boots. The females were all neatly and properly attired, though few were ornamented with jewelry. Of course the poorer and labouring classes of the community would find little or no pleasure in such a scene. They consequently stay away. The infamous, if known, would not be admitted: for it is a peculiar consequence of the high tone of morals in this country, that grave and notorious offenders rarely presume to violate the public feeling by invading society. Perhaps if Washington were a large town, the “evenings” could not exist, but as it is, no inconvenience is experienced.
Squeezing through the crowd, we achieved a passage to a part of the room where Mrs. Monroe was standing, surrounded by a bevy of female friends. After making our bows here, we sought the President, The latter had posted himself at the top of the room, Where he remained most of the evening, shaking hands with all who approached. * It is a mistaken opinion, however, that shaking hands is a custom not to be dispensed with in America. Most people practise it certainly; for it is thought to be a frank, manly, and, if you will, a republican usage. But in a certain class, it is not considered a mark of breeding to be too free with the hand, in casual introductions, Two gentlemen meeting would be apt to touch their hats (unless intimates) just as in Europe, though neither of them would offer his hand to any one who he thought expected it. When an European, therefore, offers to shake hand; with an American of breeding, unless on familiar terms, he mistakes takes the manners of the country. The natural feeling of gentlemanly reserve is the guide there, as it is with us.
“Yes, I have just shaken hands with him,” returned my friend, coolly. “He keeps an excellent tavern, you must allow; and, what is more, had not that circumstance been the means of your making his acquaintance, you might have mistaken him for one of the magnates of the land. I understand your look, Count de—, better than you understand the subject at which you are smiling. Fancy, for a moment, that this assembly were confined to a hundred or two, like those eminent men you see collected in that corner, and to these beautiful and remarkably delicate women you see standing near us; in what, except name, would it be inferior to the best collections of your side of the ocean? You need not apologize, for we understand one another perfectly, I know Europe rather better than you know America, for the simple reason, that one part of Europe is so much like another, that it is by no means an abstruse
“It is very true that you meet here a great variety of people of very many conditions of life. This person you see on my left is a shopkeeper from New York: no—not the one in black, but the genteel-looking man in blue—I dare say you took him for an
attaché
of one of the legations. And this lovely creature, who demeans herself with so much elegance and propriety, is the daughter of a mechanic of Baltimore. In this manner we might dissect half the company, perhaps; some being of better, and some of worse, exteriors. But what does it all prove? Not that the President of the United States is obliged to throw open his doors to the rabble, as you might be tempted to call it, for he is under no sort of obligation to open his doors to any body. But he chooses to see the world, and he must do one of two things. He must make invidious and difficult selections, which, in a public man, would excite just remarks in a government like ours, or he must run the hazard of remaining three or four hours in a room filled with a promiscuous assembly. He has wisely chosen the latter.
“What is the consequence? Your ears are not offended by improper discourse. Your individuality is not wounded by impertinence, nor even your taste annoyed by any very striking coarseness of manner. Now it appears to me, that every American should exult in this very exhibition. Not for the vulgar reason that it is a proof of the equality of our rights, for it is a mistake to think that society is a necessary dependent of government. In this respect the ‘evenings’ are some such deception as that ceremony one hears of in Europe, in which sovereigns wash the
“There is a good sense in our community, which removes all dangers of unpleasant consequences from too much familiarity. It imposes the necessity on him who would be thought a gentleman, of being circumspect nd reasonable, but it leaves him sufficiently, the master of all his movements and associations, The seeming scarcity of high-bred men, in this country, compared with the number one see's in Europe, is much less owing to our form of government, than the fact that they are so widely scattered. Quite half, too, of what is called fastidious breeding, is purely conventional, and, to make conventions, men must meet.
“I have known a cartman leave his horse in the street, and go into a reception-room to shake hands with the President. He offended the good sense of all present, because it was not thought decent that a labourer should come in a dirty dress on such an occasion; but while he made a trifling mistake in this particular, he proved how well he understood the difference between government and society. He knew the levee was a sort of homage paid to political equality in the person of the first magistrate, but he would not have presumed to enter the house of the same person as a private individual without being invited, or without a reasonable excuse in the way of business.
“There are, no doubt, individuals who mistake the character of these assemblies, but the great majority
You will perceive the utter impossibility of having an opinion of your own, dear Jules, when a man is obstinately bent on considering things always in reference to common sense, instead of consulting the reverend usages which have been established by the world, whether founded on prejudice or not. So far as mere appearance goes, I must confess, however, my friend was not very wrong, since the company at the White House, on this occasion, was certainly as well-behaved, all things considered, as could be wished.
Vol.
II
Washington,—
Washington,
as it contains all the public offices, is the best place to ascertain the general statistical facts connected with the condition of this country. I have hitherto purposely avoided touching on the marine of the United States, until I should have an opportunity getting the information necessary to do it justice. On no occasion, however, have I neglected to examine the ships and the navy-yards as I passed through the seaports, though I have reserved all my remarks until I had something material to communicate. It is my intention to dispose of the subject altogether in this letter.
Until the period of the war which separated the two countries, the American mariners performed most of their military service in the navy of Great Britain. The history of the colonies, however, is not altogether destitute of nautical incidents, that were rather remarkable for skill and enterprise. The privateers of this hemisphere were always conspicuous in the colonial contests; and they were then, as they have always been since, of a character for order and chivalry that ought not to be too confidently expected from a class of adventurers who professedly take up arms for an object so little justifiable, and perhaps so ignoble, as gain. But men of a stamp altogether superior to the privateersmen of Europe were induced, by the peculiar situation of their country, to embark in these doubtful military enterprises in America. There was no regular service in which to show their martial qualities; and
The first evidences of a nautical enterprise, on an extended scale, that I can discover in the history of these people, are contained in the accounts of the expedition against Louisbourg. The States of New-England, or rather Massachusetts alone, undertook to reduce that important fortress during the war of 1745. A considerable naval armament accompanied the expedition, which was successful, though it contained no ship of a force sufficient to combat with the heavier vessels of their enemy. Still it manifested a disposition to the sort of warfare of which I am writing, more especially as the mother country not only possessed a squadron near, but actually employed it in the service. A people whose maritime propensities were less strong might have been content to have thrown the whole of this branch of the undertaking on an ally that was so well qualified to discharge the duty with credit.
At the commencement of the struggle for independence, notwithstanding the overwhelming force of their enemy, the Americans early showed the new flag on the ocean. Almost any other people of the world, under similar circumstances, would have retired
At the peace of '83, the half-formed and imperfect marine of the country disappeared. The confederation, as it then existed, did not admit, without an important object, of the exercise of a power that
When the constitution of the country, as it now exists, was adopted (in 1789), Washington was placed at the head of the country, filling, for the first time, its highest civil station. He recommended the construction of a few frigates, in order to protect its commerce against the depredations of the Barbary powers, who were then in the fullest practice of those lawless robberies which were so long the scourge and disgrace of the civilized world. This recommendation was the foundation of the present navy of the United States. Though, so far as the Algerines, themselves were concerned, a war actually existed, no cruizer of this country took part in its operations. According to the fashion of that day, peace was soon
purchased.
But the capture of a few of their unarmed merchantmen had served to apprize the Americans of the absolute necessity of a marine to protect their rights as a commercial community.
This little affair was scarcely adjusted before a misunderstanding occurred between the French and American republics. A sort of armed neutrality was attempted by the latter; but, though no declaration of war was ever actually made, it soon terminated in open hostilities. It was now thought prudent to extend a still greater protection to the commerce of the country, and a sudden and considerable increase to the navy was made. In order to effect this purpose, it became necessary to build or to purchase ships; and to procure officers. Vessels were both bought and constructed, and seamen of various degrees of character were induced to abandon the peaceful for the more warlike pursuits of their profession. A small
F 2
This maritime war occurred during the presidency of Mr. Adams. The creation of a navy was thought to be a favourite measure of his policy; and as opposition grew warm, the wisdom of so early and so considerable an expenditure of the public money was much disputed. Men who admitted that nature and reason both pointed to the ocean as the place where the rights of the nation were to be maintained, still affirmed that the measure was premature. The country was involved in a heavy debt, and the very means that were resorted to, in order to protect the wealth of the country, might induce quarrels which would inevitably involve its loss. But this reasoning did not immediately prevail, as the administration contrived to keep its majorities in the two houses until near the close of its constitutional period of service.
In the midst of these disputes, the grave determination of the country is to be traced in its permanent legislative enactments. In 1798, a navy department was created, and its Secretary was admitted to a seat in the cabinet. Notwithstanding the clamour which had been raised by the opposition against the marine,
At one time, during the disturbance with France, near sixty public cruisers were employed on the American coast, or in the West Indies, under the flag of the republic. Most of them were merchantmen that had been purchased and altered to suit their new destination, and many that were expressly built, had been constructed in a hurry, and of course imperfectly. Of the officers it is unnecessary to say more than that they embraced, perhaps, the very best and the very worst men of their class. Most of these vessels were small, the largest only rating 44, and actually mounting 54 guns. The majority were clumsy sloops, carrying between 16 and 24 guns.
Now that the heat of opposition has passed away, the best-informed men candidly admit that there was but little inducement to retain officers or ships so promiscuously and so hurriedly assembled. Notwithstanding its apparent hostility, the new government, while reducing the service, was rather disposed to cherish a good and efficient marine than to destroy it.
In 1801, an act was passed, creating a naval peace establishment. This was the law which gave form and permanent existence to the present marine of the country.
By the act of 1801, the number of the ships was reduced to nine frigates, of various sizes, with a few smaller vessels. A sufficient number of officers was retained for their command. From that hour to this,
The partial reduction of 1801, gave the marine department an opportunity of making a selection among the officers, as well as among the ships. Personal interest, apart from personal merit, could have no great influence on the movements of this government, especially in a case of so great notoriety as that of a choice between officers of any rank. The captains retained were men of character and experience; and it is probable that a finer corps of inferior naval officers, than those who were retained on this occasion, never had an existence.
In 1803, the bashaw of Tripoli commenced hostilities against the republic. Different squadrons were sent into the Mediterranean to oppose the depredations. His corsairs were driven from the sea, and his town was blockaded. From watchfulness, the Americans soon proceeded to attacks, until the slumbers of the Africans were almost nightly broken by the assaults of their weak but spirited foes. The history of this war, in miniature, is remarkable for its romantic incidents, and for the high daring of the actors. A few light cruizers, with a dozen gun-boats, and a couple of ketches, backed by a single frigate, would often lie for hours under the batteries and shipping of the town, throwing their shot even into the palace of the barbarian. On several occasions the conflicts were still more serious. Battles were fought in closest personal collision; officers and men, Christian and Turk, struggling fiercely for the victory, hand to hand. It was to commemorate the names of the brave youths who fell in these sanguinary
The war with Tripoli was also distinguished by an enterprise that was as remarkable for its conception, as for the spirit and skill with which it was conducted. The reigning bashaw of Tripoli was an usurper, having, some years before, expelled his brother from the throne. The banished prince had sought a refuge among the Arabs of the desert in Upper Egypt. The American consul to the regency of Algiers, was a person of the name of Eaton. This gentleman had once been a captain in the army of the Union. He was a man distinguished for his reckless courage and for a restless enterprise. During the time the squadron of his country was employed in harassing the town of their enemy, Mr. Eaton, accompanied by two or three officers of the navy, sought out the exiled bashaw in the desert, and induced him to lend himself to an attempt to recover his throne. A force, consisting of Arabs, Turks, Christians, and of adventurers from all countries, was soon assembled. It entered the territories of Tripoli by its eastern frontier, and advanced rapidly upon Derne, the second town of the principality. Here it was met and sustained by a few light cruizers from the American squadron. A sharp skirmish was fought in the vicinity of the town, and the place was carried. A crisis was evidently at hand. There was every prospect of complete success to this chivalrous undertaking, when the whole enterprise was defeated by an event as mortifying as it was unexpected. A negotiator had just before arrived from America; conceiving it to be his duty to terminate the war, he profited by the terror excited in the bosom of the reigning bashaw, by the success of his brother, and signed a treaty of peace. But for this premature occurrence, the world would probably have witnessed the singular spectacle of a power of the western hemisphere commencing
The navy of the United States owes most of its discipline, and of its high reputation for spirit and enterprise, aided by the ambitious natural character of the people, to the experience it obtained in the war with Tripoli. The young men (chiefly of the best families of the country), who had commenced their military career in the affair with France, received their commissions during, or at the close of this war; and they brought with them into the higher ranks of the service, the feelings and habits so necessary to their class. Officers were now first seen in the command of vessels, who had regularly risen from the lowest ranks of the service.
From the time of the peace with Tripoli to that of the war of England, the navy was employed in guarding the coast, and in aiding to enforce the restrictive laws of the country. A few light vessels were built, and a plan of defending the seaports, in the event of need, by gun-boats, grew into favour. The American naval officers say, that the latter scheme had nearly proved fatal to the tone and discipline of their service. It was, however, of short duration, and the subsequent hostilities completely proved its fallacy.
* Many absurd statements, concerning the organization of the American navy, have been circulated in Europe. There is none more false or more foolish than the story that young mates of merchantmen are, or ever have been, taken for the first steps in the service. Boys, between the ages of twelve and eighteen, receive the appointments of midshipmen, and after having served a certain number of years, they are examined for lieutenants. These examinations are very rigid, and they are conducted with the greatest impartiality. While the writer was in America, he formed an intimacy with the commander of a frigate. One day at Washington, he entered the room of the captain, just as a naval officer of high rank was quitting it. “You met one of the commissioners at the door,” said the writer's acquaintance; “he has been to beg I would make his son, who is just ordered to my ship, mind his books. They tell me the young fellow is clever enough, and a very good sailor, but he has been twice defeated in trying to get through with his mathematics, because he will not study,” In what other navy would the son of a lord of the admiralty lose his commission, in two examinations, for want of a little mathematics?
The most severe system of examination, not only into professional qualifications, but into moral character, is now rigidly observed in the American army and navy. The lower ranks of both branches of their service, are admirably filled. Midshipmen, instead of being taken from the merchant service, have been often taken from the service, under furloughs, to command merchant-ships. No man in the world is more jealous of his rank, than the American navy or army officer. It would far exceed the power of the President to push his own son an inch beyond the steps he is entitled to by, his age and service. The Senate would refuse to approve of such a nomination. The same impartiality is observed in respect to commands. A captain, or commander, is not only sure of getting a ship, when his turn comes, but he must have an excellent excuse or he will be made to take one. Both establishments are kept within reasonable bounds, and promotions are slow and wary. There is not a single officer necessarily on half-pay, either in the land or sea service. There is not new, nor has there been for twenty years, an officer in the American navy, in command of a ship, the four or five oldest excepted, who did not regularly enter the marine as a midshipman. Even the oldest entered as low as a lieutenant, quite thirty years ago. A Secretary of the Navy, during the war of 1812, is said to have Wished to introduce a brother from the merchant service, by giving him the command of a cartel, but entirely without success. Some six or eight clever men, who entered as sailing-masters, a class generally taken from the merchant service, have been so successful as to get commissions, a favour a little out of course, though sometimes practised to reward merit. Several of these, even, were midshipmen who had resigned, and had re-entered as masters, in the war, because they thought themselves too old to begin anew as midshipmen.
In 1812, the marine of the United States existed rather as the
nucleus
of a future service, than as a force to be directed to any of the more important objects of warfare. It was sufficient to keep alive the spirit, and to gratify the pride of the nation, but not to produce any serious result on the great objects of the struggle. So far as I can discover, the whole
The English are said to have employed more than a hundred sail of cruizers on the coast of the United States, between the years 1813 and 1815. Whatever might have been the intentions of the British government, it is very certain that much useless annoyance was given to peaceful people by the depredations of some of these vessels. Even the expeditions which were attempted on a larger scale, argued a great ignorance of the character of this nation, since they exhibited a very mistaken application of force to attain what the world has every reason to believe was the object of the assailants.
It is fair to presume that the English commanders had determined to harass the country, with a view to bring the war as near as possible to each man's door. Now, it so happens, that, notwithstanding the large bays and deep rivers of this continent enabled those who had command of the water, to do a great deal of injury, their attacks did not, nor could not, produce the least effect on the mass of the nation. harassing expeditions, and burnings, and alarms, might serve to exasperate, but in no degree did they serve to subdue
But the chief and the most lasting effect of the British policy, during the war of 1814, has been to bring a respectable American marine into a sudden existence, This truth is proved by the fact, that the Congress, which, in these matters, takes most of its impulses from the people, exhibited the extraordinary policy of increasing, instead of reducing, its armaments with the peace. The whole nation saw and felt the necessity of protecting their coast, and the friends of the navy have seized the happy moment to interweave the policy with their institutions, in such
Vol.
II.You
need not be told, that without a service in peace a service in war is next to uselesss, since experience, method, and even the high spirit necessary to continued military success, are all the fruits of time. But economical legislators, who count nothing but the present cost, are not always so sagacious.
While passing rapidly over this subject, it may be well to mention the little incident of the last war with Algiers, since it serves to show the spirit with which these people will enter on all similar enterprises, when a little more age shall give maturity and strength to their efforts. The barbarians had seized the opportunity of the British war to commit depredations on the American commerce. No sooner was the peace of 1815 ratified, than Congress issued a solemn declaration of war against the regency. A squadron immediately sailed for the Mediterranean. It crossed the Atlantic; passed the Straits; routed and destroyed the marine of their foe; carried the war to the mouth of his harbour; and, in six weeks from the day of sailing, it dictated an honourable and lasting peace, under the cannon of the city. Ten years before, it had sued for disgraceful terms from an inferior power of Barbary. This was the first treaty, I believe, in which the right to lead prisoners into slavery was formally disavowed by any of the African states.
During the war with England, several laws were passed, empowering the President to add to the marine. In 1813, four vessels of a force
not less
than seventy-four guns, and six frigates of a force
not less
than forty-four guns, were authorized. Squadrousnot less
than seventy-four guns, and nine additional frigates of
not less
* Congress often gives discretionary power to the President, limiting its exercise in this manner. From this practice has arisen the mistake that the Americans mean to call three-deckers seventy-fours.
Various other laws were passed, affecting the interests of the navy. Some were for the improvement of the officers; others for the preservation of the live-oak, the inestimable material always employed in the construction of a valuable American ship. So minute and cautious was the interest taken in the service, that a law was even passed to regulate the manner in which the vessels were to be named. A ship of the line was to be called after a State; the frigates, after rivers; and the sloops, after the larger towns. The vessels authorized by the last law are now all on the stocks, or they have been already launched.
† While the writer was in the country, a law was passed to build ten additional sloops of war, and a frigate was bought that had been constructed for the Greeks. Since he has left America, another law has been passed, appropriating half a million of dollars annually, for six years, for the purpose of purchasing the materials for vessels of the different classes already known in the service. By the report of the commissioners, it seems that contracts have actually been made for the frames of five sail of the line, five frigates, and five sloops, all of the first class. Two dry docks are, also, now in the course of construction, and a third is much urged in Congress. A new navy-yard has also been established in the Gulf of Mexico. A naval academy is pressed by the government. He believes these are the principal measures taken since the year 1826.
The actual naval force of this country afloat, or which might be put afloat in the course of a few weeks, is nearly as follows: one first-rate; eight second ditto, first class, and three ditto of second class; nine third-rates, first class, and three ditto of second class; and sixteen corvettes and sloops of war. To these must be added a few schooners and light vessels, whose number is constantly varying. The materials of one forty-four are also prepared, but, in consequence of the purchase of a frigate, her construction is temporarily delayed. There appears to be no use in urging the building of these vessels, which are all the better for delay, and which are only launched as they are wanted for experiments, or for actual service. Perhaps we may call the force at instant command, or which might be fitted before the crews could be assembled, at fifty sail, of all sizes. * To these must shortly be added, the vessels where frames and materials are now in the course of collection. The rapid manner in which the Americans run up a ship at need, is well known. It is clear, that when the materials shall be in readiness, their force could easily be increased to near or quite seventy sail small vessels included.
With what force the Americans would absolutely put to sea, in the event of an immediate war, that should call for all their energy, might be difficult to anticipate. This government is at once both the strongest and the weakest in the world. It is weak compared to its wealth and physical means, in all cases of ordinary offensive operations, precisely as other governments are weak or strong in proportion to the absolute nature of the power they wield. But in a popular war, when power shall be conceded freely to the executive, it is so much the stronger as the govermnent is assured of a cordial and enthusiastic support. I think the power of the United States, in actual warfare, will always be found to be exactly in proportion to the greater or less degree of cordiality with which the mass of the people shall enter into the views of the administration. The present navy of the United States would be formidable under any circumstances, to all second-rate maritime powers, since the skill and enterprise of its officers, aided by such legal support as a majority could always command, would at all times enable them to act with sufficient energy out of the country. I think also, in the event of a war, clearly defensive with any of the greater powers, it would be unwise to calculate on having less than the whole of the marine to oppose, and that instantly. But we may form a better opinion of these matters by going a little into detail.
It would require about 20,000 men, to man, the whole of the present marine of this country. This may sound large to your ears, but it is necessary to remember how very large a proportion of the estimated fifty sail are vessels of great size. Of this number more than one thousand would be those officers, who are always retained as a regular and durable part of the service. The fifty sail will carry, as near
G 2
I think it can scarcely be doubted that the United States possess 30,000 men, sufficiently skilful to be rated as seamen, on board a vessel of war. If this be admitted, the question is reduced to the inquiry, of whether she can induce one-third of her seamen to serve in her navy.
The plenty of scarcity of mariners in the United States, is a together a matter of demand and supply. There is clearly no surplus population to beg employment; and there is also a general aptitude among the natives, that enables them to gain their living in more ways than one. A seaman is a sort of artisan; and he requires rather higher wages than the labourer on shore, as a reward for his peculiar skill, and a compensation for his greater privation. It is a peculiarity of this country, that sailors, especially in New-York, and in all the Eastern States, are often found on land; not begging their bread, or sweeping the streets, but engaged in some creditable employment that gives them support. To meet any extraordinary demand, these men commonly return to the sea. Such of them as are impatient of a monotonous life, and who are unwilling to serve for reduced wages, as is at present the case, seek employment elsewhere. The public and private cruizers of the South American States, abound with such adventurers.
Now, it is rather a striking feature in the character
These feelings would recall, and have recalled, the American sailor home, in the moment of hostilities; a time when the mariners of other nations seek opportunities of going abroad. He is not afraid to stand, at any time, on his native soil, for he knows that there is a law for him as well as for other men. Though he may be the perfect master of his own movements, a sailor is eminently a social creature. He is ever inclined, as you know by experience, to follow a general impulse. I am of opinion that in a popular
In the war of 1798–9, crews were often got for frigates in a single day. There were two reasons for this abundance of men. Privateers were not profitable against the trade of France, and the conflict was particularly in unison with the feelings of all nautical men. In the war with England, there was sometimes a momentary difficulty in filling a crew; but then privateers abounded. There was also another reason why seamen were reluctant to enter the national cruizers, during the war with England: crews were often transferred, in gross, from the seaboard to the lakes. The latter was a service in bad odour. There was no prize-money, nor did it at all accord with the prejudices of a tar, to be running in and out of a port on a great fresh-water pond. Still, near the close of that war, though the services of a great number of men were lost to the country, by being captured in privateers, I am told, that such crews were rarely known in the marine of any nation, as then began freely to offer themselves.
These are familiar reasons that must have a greater or less bearing on the facility of procuring seamen for the public service in the United States. The influence of a popular impulse can scarcely be estimated; though it is quite within the reach of probability that it should be exceedingly great. There are also other influences, which might be very powerful in producing a ready supply of men. A war would be declared, either when many merchant-ships were at sea, or when they were not. In the former case the whole mercantile community would feel a direct and powerful interest in manning their fleets; and in the latter, seamen would be out of employ. Then the government could at all times create a monopoly
On the whole, I incline to the opinion, that the fifty sail, which this country now possesses, could be manned, in a reasonable time, without resorting to any extrordinary means of inducing the men to enter. Still, in a country like this, so much depends on the particular impulses of the day, that it is a question which will admit of dispute. A situation of things might be imagined in which a ship of the line would readily get a crew in a day, and then, again, circumstances might easily occur that would render enlistments tardy and reluctant. This is always supposing the supply to be left to the ordinary operations of trade, or to the influences of popular excitement. For the purpose of any long-continued and serious naval service, the government has in reserve most of the ordinary resources of other nations.
Although impressment is not, ought not to be, nor probably ever will be tolerated in the United States, a naval draft would be perfectly just; and if it be not now, it might easily be made constitutional. As the law stands, a seaman is exempted from all military duty, because it is the policy of the country to encourage its commerce. But there is clearly no reason in natural justice why a sailor should not risk his life in defence of the rights of his fellow-citizens as well as a landsman. This point being admitted, it is both more politic and more humane that he should perform the duty on an element to which he is accustomed; and in a service that he understands, than by doing violence to his habits by becoming a soldier. There are a variety of ways in which the government of the United States might even now, with perfect
It is not an exaggerated estimate to suppose that, shortly after the commencement of the war with England, 10,000 men were serving in the American privateers. This number alone, added to the crews in the regular service at the same period, would more than man the whole of the present force of the country. There can be no doubt that what the nation did with a population of 8,000,000, and a tonnage of 1,200,000, it could now do, with far greater facility, with a population of 12,000,000, and a tonnage of near 1,600,000.
In almost every war into which the United States can enter, their operations must, of necessity, be conducted on the water. Canada and Mexico excepted, they have no immediate neighbours on the land. But a war with Canada would be a war with England, and the experience of the contest of 1812, has taught the Americans, that neither their commerce nor their shores are safe in such a war without a marine. Their growing fleet owes its existence solely to this conviction. The present naval force of the country, compared to that which it possessed in 1812, is already as twenty to one: not in the actual number of the vessels, certainly, but in their size, and in their consequent ability to resist, or to attack. In 1812, the Americans could show but seven frigates, only three of which were of any magnitude, while now they might show a line of twenty-seven sail, the smallest vessel in which should be the largest vessel they possessed in 1812, and the largest a ship of six times the force of the latter. This change denotes, to say the least, a serious intention to protect themselves.
The situation of the United States calls for no very hasty, or over-jealous vigour, in military preparation.
Until now the Americans have been tracing the outline of their great national picture. The work of filling up has just seriously commenced. The Gulf of Mexico, the Lakes of Canada, the Praires, and the Atlantic, form the setting. They are now, in substance, a vast island, and the tide of emigration, which has so long been flowing westward, must have its reflux. Adventurers in the arts, in manufactures, in commerce, and in short, in every thing else, are already
Although ages must elapse before necessity shall drive man to beggary, or to abject dependence, in the United States, the time for a more regular increase of the people over the whole surface has commenced. It is true, that large districts still remain empty; but a variety of causes has, in the first place, a tendency to retard their settlement, and, in the second place, it must be remembered how much sooner 12,000,000 can fill a vacuum than 4,000,000.
The people of the older States are getting a taste for the arts and comforts of life, that disinclines vast numbers to encounter the privations of the forest. New-England, the great hive of emigrants, was a comparatively sterile and unfavoured region; and, twenty years ago, it possessed few other employments than those of husbandry. But climate, richness of soil, and moral considerations included, the more eligible parts of the country are now occupied. The emigrant (of 1790, and of 1800) to New-York or to Ohio, returned with accounts of advantages to which the inhabitant of Massachusetts or Connecticut was a stranger; but the emigrant to Illinois, to Indiana, to Kentucky, or to Missouri, is apt to pine for things that he has left behind him. Manufactures, and the thousand additional pursuits of a growing wealth, are beginning to chain men to their birth-places. The effects are already to be traced in the returns of the population.
New-York has been what is termed an emigrating State, these twenty years, and yet her population has increased near 18 per cent. within the last five.
* The births exceeded the deaths, in New-York, (1825) 38,840 souls; or at a rate that, notwithstanding emigration, would double its population once in forty years.
Although the supply of seamen must, for many years, be limited to the demand, since men can find support in other employments, the government can at any time create a demand of its own, in order to keep up the number necessary for the two services— viz. the navy and that of commerce. Hitherto no artificial means of creating seamen have been adopted. The government has as yet had no motive for such extraordinary care. They employ, in point of fact, only about twenty sail. † The actual force of cruizers in commission (1828) is one ship of the line, six frigates, two corvettes, ten sloops, and four schooners. These vessels, including the ordinary, are manned by five thousand three hundred and eighteen men. ‡ A captain, commanding a ship of any force, receives 100 dollars a month, and eight rations a day; if he command a small ship, his pay is 75 dollars, and six rations. The pay of the other classes is as follows:—master commandant, 60 dollars, five rations; lieutenant commandant, 50 dollars and four rations; lieutenant, 40 dollars and three rations; master, 40 dollars and two rations; past-midshipman, 25 dollars and two rations; midshipman, 19 dollars and one ration; boatswain, gunner, sailmaker, and carpenter, 20 dollars and two rations; petty officers, 19 dollars and one ration; seaman, 12 dollars and one ration; ordinary ditto, 10 dollars and one ration; boys, 6 dollars and one ration; chaplain and purser, 40 dollars and two rations; surgeon, 50 dollars and two rations; surgeon's mate, 30 dollars and two rations; captain of marines, 40 dollars and two rations; first lieutenant ditto, 30 dollars and two rations; second ditto, 25 dollars and three rations, &c. &c. The rations of all the officers are paid in money, if required, at the rate of 25 cents a day for each, except the marines, who receive army pay and allowances. An army ration is worth 20 cents a day. It is, however, intended to increase the pay of most of the officers See note B. at the end of the volume.
Vol.
II.
As the Americans add to the number of vessels employed in their service, they will, certainly, facilitate the means of a supply by increasing the demand. The great outlet to the rest of the world, the path of adventure, and the only, at least the principal, theatre for military achievements open to the people of this country, is on the ocean. It is only necessary to invite adventurers, to attract to their flag all, whom restlessness, ambition, misfortune, enterprise, or necessity, shall induce to wander.
The progress of the physical force of this country is not to be calculated by that of other nations. Independently of the gross amount of numbers, and the rate at which the population increases, there is another important fact to be considered in making all our estimates of the future power of this nation. When we say that America, with so many millions of people, has done this or that much, has furnished so many soldiers, or so many seamen, it is necessary to remark how very large a proportion of the population are of an age to be dependants, instead of actors. In 1820, 17.11 of the whole population were boys under ten years of age. Including girls, rather more than one-third of the population had not yet reached that tender
The United States would certainly take a new position in the event of another general war. So far from being again the prey of the belligerents, she would (unless an actor) be a neutral, whose weight, thrown into either scale, might make her a power to be dreaded on the ocean. England herself would find the fifty, or a hundred sail, which these people could, and, no doubt, would employ, highly embarassing. The country, without precocious, or unnatural efforts, has reached the point whenit has become an important ally. The West India seas would even now lie greatly at her mercy, especially if England, or France, had enemies nearer home. In a very few years this republic will not be very wary as to its choice of a foe, and in yet a few more, it will be able to meet fearlessly the greatest power of the earth in any way that man can elect for the gratification of his lawless propensities.
Still I think that the government of the United States will not be very dangerous by its ambition That it will sweep its coasts of every hostile hold; that Bermuda, and all such places, will come into the possession of the Americans in the course of the
But it is a well-known fact, that the force and wealth of nations are not so much in proportion to their numbers as to their advancement in the arts of life, and to their moral superiority. In every thing that constitutes general moral superiority, these people are already in the foremost rank. Their population is getting compact; and as manufactures increase, and the usual divisions of employments follow, they will become rich in a geometrical progression.
Nor do I find a single plausible reason for disbelieving this result. Should a separation of the States occur, an event quite as improbable as any other act of suicide, and just as possible as all suicides, the commercial and manufacturing States would still keep together. I think, if any thing, their marine would be larger than if the confederation should exist as it now stands, since there would be but one opinion on its policy, and its size would clearly be a matter of greater necessity.
I know but one other material point to be considered in examining the American marine. With reference to its immediate growth, the finances of the country and the cost of ships are important. The debt of the United States is about 60,000,000 of dollars,increase
(not to the
repairs
) of the marine,
* It is actually 66,000,000, but the balance was created for the purchase of bank-stock, which pays an interest, and which can be sold without difficulty.
† This appropriation has been lately extended to six more years.—See note A. at the end of the volume.
The American ships, considering their quality, are about as cheap as those of England. Some articles are less costly, others more expensive. I find that the Columbus, a ship on two decks, pierced for one
* In the state in which she was seen by Mr. De Roos, or nearly so.
† No American frigate, or ship of the line, with the exception of a 64 built for the Greeks, and recently purchased into the service, mounts, or has mounted, during the last five-and-twenty years, guns in the waist. The waists (since the last war) have been pierced for guns, in order that they may be shifted over to batter a town, or to defend a vessel at anchor, &c. &c. but hammocks are always stowed there as in other vessels of war.
Before closing this long, but I trust, to you, not tiresome, letter, I will allude to another topic. The Americans have been ignorantly and coarsely charged with deception on the subject of their navy. It has been said that they constructed vessels of extraordinary magnitude, and gave to them the appellations and rates of frigates. What is the fact? Frigates, as you very well know, were originally ships of one gun-deck, with a regular quarter-deck and forecastle, on both of which guns can be mounted. At first, the two latter decks were smaller than was necessary, and the frigates were rated at the precise number of guns that they carried. Thus a ship that formerly carried twenty-eight guns on her gun-deck, and ten guns on her quarter-deck and forecastle, was called, in the English navy, a thirty-eight. In course of time fourteen guns were placed on the quarter-deck of the same sort of ship (a little enlarged), and eight ports were cut in the forecastle, so that she could, and did, mount fifty guns. Some of them were even pierced
Now all these vessels were, sent openly to sea, were visited freely, and were approved of or condemned by the officers of all the navies in the world. Some nations sneered at what the Americans deemed an improvement, and some imitated it. Time has shown that the latter were the wisest.
Deception is a word more unjustly applied to this nation than to any on earth. There is scarcely a secret even pretended to be kept in its whole government or police. Every year the fullest and most satisfactory
* A ship carrying eighteen twenty-four pound carronades and a ship of eighteen thirty-two pound carronades, would be rated the same, if the number of guns were to be the only guide; whereas, if one should be called a sixteen, and the other an eighteen, the mind would conceive a sufficiently just idea of the difference in force which actually existed. There are so many considerations that properly enter into the estimate of force in a vessel, that no one of them all can be safely taken as a rule.
That there was great inaccuracy in the rating of the American ships before and during the last war, is
No nautical man, fit to command a vessel, would trust to any rate but that of his own judgment. If any people have got into difficulty by undervaluing their enemies, it is far more manful to confess their mistake, than to call improvements, which they are eager to imitate, by so coarse a term, as, deception. In this manner, clever men are, without bounds or moderation, deceiving the rest of mankind daily.
Washington,—
You
ask me to write freely on the subject of the literature and the arts of the United States. The subjects are so meagre as to render it a task that would require no small portion of the talents neces sary to figure in either, in order to render them of interest. Still, as the request has come in so urgent a form, I shall endeavour to oblige you.
The Americans, have been placed, as respects
Unlike the progress of the two professions in the countries of our hemisphere, in America the printer came into existence before the author, Reprints of English works gave the first employment to the press. Then came almanacs, psalm-books, religious tracts, sermons, journals, political essays, and even rude attempts at poetry. All these preceded the revolution. The first journal was established in Boston at the commencement of the last century, There are several original polemical works of great originality and power that belong to the same period. I do not know that more learning and talents existed at that early day in the States of New-England than in Virginia. Maryland and the Carolinas, but there was certainly a stronger desire to exhibit them.
The colleges or universities, as they were some what prematurely called, date very far back in the brief history of the country. There is no stronger evidence of the intellectual character, or of the judicioustwenty year's
after the landing of the first settlers in New-England! Yale (in Connecticut) was founded in 1701, Columbia (in the city of New-York) was founded in 1754. Nassau Hall (in New-Jersey) in 1738; and William and Mary (in Virginia) as far back as 1691. These are the oldest literary institutions in the United States, and all but the last are in flourishing conditions to the present hour. The first has given degrees to about five thousand graduates, and rarely has less than three hundred and fifty or four hundred students. Yale is about as well attended. The others contain from a hundred and fifty to two hundred under-graduates. But these are not a moiety of the present colleges, or universities, (as they all aspire to be called,) existing in the country. There is no State, except a few of the newest, without at least one, and several have two or three.
Less attention is paid to classical learning here than in Europe; and, as the term of residence rarely exceeds four years, profound scholars are by no means common. This country possesses, neither the population nor the endowments to maintain a large class of learned idlers, in order that one man in a hundred may contribute a mite to the growing stock of general knowledge. There is a luxury in this expenditure of animal force, to which the Americans have not yet attained. The good is far too problematical and remote, and the expense of man too certain, to be prematurely sought. I have heard, I will confess, an American legislator quote Horace and Cicero; but it is far from being the humour of the country. I thought the taste of the orator questionable. A learned quotation is rarely of any use in an argument, since few men are fools enough not to see
The higher branches of learning are certainly on the advance in this country. The gentlemen of the middle and southern States, before the revolution, were very generally educated in Europe, and they were consequently, in this particular, like our own people. Those who came into life during the struggle, and shortly after, fared worse. Even the next generation had little to boast of in the way of instruction. I find that boys entered the colleges so late as the commencement of the present century, who had read a part of the Greek Testament, and a few books of Cicero and Virgil, with perhaps a little of Horace. But great changes have been made, and are still making, in the degree of previous qualification.
Still, it would, be premature to say that there is any one of the American universities where classical knowledge, or even science, is profoundly attained, even at the present day. Some of the professors push their studies, for a life, certainly; and you well know, after all, that little short of a life, and a long one too, will make any man a good general scholar. In 1820, near eight thousand graduates of the twelve oldest colleges of this country (according to their catalogues) were then living. Of this number, 1,406 were clergymen. As some of the catalogues consulted were several years old, this number was of necessity greatly
But the effects of the literary institutions of the United States are somewhat peculiar. Few men devote their lives to scholarship. The knowledge that is actually acquired, is perhaps quite sufficient for the more practical and useful pursuits. Thousands of young men, who have read the more familiar classics, who have gone through enough of mathematics to obtain a sense of tastes, and of the value of precision, who have cultivated
belles lettres
to a reasonable extent, and who have been moderately instructed in the arts of composition, and in the rules of taste, are given forth to the country to mingle in its active employments. I am inclined to believe that a class of American graduates carries away with it quite as much general and diversified knowledge, as a class from one of our own universities. The excellence in particular branches is commonly wanting; but the deficiency is more than supplied by variety of information. The youth who has passed four years within the walls of a college, goes into the office of a lawyer for a few more. The profession of the law is not subdivided in America. The same man is counsellor, attorney, and conveyancer. Here the student gets a general insight into the principles, and a familiarity with the practice of the law, rather than an acquaintance with the study as a science. With this instruction he enters the world as a practitioner. Instead, of existing in a state of dreaming retrospection, lost in a maze of theories, he is at once turned loose into the jostlings of the world. If perchance he encounters an antagonist a little more erudite than himself, he seizes the natural truth for his sheet-anchor,
Vol.
II.
In considering the course of instruction in the United States, you are always to commence at the foundation. The common schools, which so generally exist, have certainly elevated the population above that of any other country, and are still elevating it higher, as they improve and increase in numbers. Law is getting every day to be more of a science, but it is a science that is forming rules better adapted to the spirit of the age. Medicine is improving, and in the cities it is, perhaps now, in point of practice, quite on a level with that of Europe. Indeed, the well-educated American physician very commonly enjoys an advantage that is little known in Europe. After obtaining a degree in his own country, be passes a few years in London, Edinburgh, Paris, and frequently
Of the ministry, it is unnecessary to speak. The clergy are of all denominations, and they are educated, or not, precisely as they belong to sects which consider the gift of human knowledge of any importance. You have already seen how large a proportion of the graduates of some of the colleges enter the desk.
As respects authorship, there is not much to be said. Compared to the books that are printed and read, those of native origin are few indeed. The principal reason of this poverty of original writers, is owing to the circumstance that men are not yet driven to their wits for bread. The United States are the first nation that possessed institutions, and, of course, distinctive opinions of its own, that was ever dependent on a foreign people for its literature. Speaking the same language as the English, and long in the habit of importing their books from the mother country, the revolution effected no immediate change
* The writer might give, in proof of this opinion, one fact. He is led to believe that, so lately as within ten years, several English periodical works were re-printed, and much read in the United States, and that now they patronize their own, while the former are far less sought, though the demand, by means of the increased population, should have been nearly doubled. Some of the works are no longer even re-printed.
It is quite obvious, that, so far as taste and forms alone are concerned, the literature of England and that of America must be fashioned after the same models. The authors, previously to the revolution, are common property, and it is quite idle to say that the American has not just as good a right to claim Milton, and Shakspeare, and all the old masters of the language, for his countrymen, as an Englishman. The
The first, and the most important, though certainly the most familiar branch of this subject, is connected with the public journals. It is not easy to say how many newspapers are printed in the United States. The estimated number varies from six hundred to a thousand. In the State of New York there are more than fifty counties. Now, it is rare that a county, in a State as old as that of New-York, (especially in the more northern parts of the country), does not possess one paper at least. The cities have many. The smaller towns sometimes have three or four, and very many of the counties four or five There cannot be many less than one hundred and fifty journals in the State of New-York alone. Pennsylvania is said to possess eighty. But we will suppose that these two States publish two hundred journals. They contain about 3,000,000 of inhabitants. As the former is an enlightened State, and the latter rather below the scale of the general intelligence of the nation, it may not be a very bad average of the whole population. This rate would give eight hundred journals for the United States, which is probably something within the truth. I confess, however, this manner of equalizing estimates in America, is very uncertain in general, since a great deal, in such a
I 2
As might be expected, there is nearly every degree of merit to be found in these journals. No one of them has the benefit of that collected talent which is so often enlisted in the support of the more important journals of Europe. There is not often more than one editor to the best; but he is usually some man who has seen, in his own person, enough of men and things to enable him to speak with tolerable discretion on passing events. The usefulness of the American journals, however, does not consist in their giving the tone to the public mind, in politics and morals, but in imparting facts. It is certain that, could the journals agree, they might, by their united efforts, give a powerful inclination to the common will. But, in point of fact, they do not agree on any one subject, or set of subject, except, perhaps, on those which directly affect their own interests. They, consequently, counteract, instead of aiding each other, on all points of disputed policy; and it is in the bold and sturdy discussions that follow, that men arrive at the truth. The occasional union in their own favour, is a thing too easily seen through to do either good or harm. So far, then, from the journals succeeding in leading the public opinion astray, they are invariably obliged to submit to it. They serve to keep it alive, by furnishing the means for its expression, but they rarely do more. Of course, the influence of each particular press is in proportion to the constancy and the ability with which it is found to support what is thought to be sound principles; but those principles must be in accordance with the private opinions of men, or most of their labour is lost.
The public press in America is rather more decent than that of England, and less decorous than that of France. The tone of the nation, and the respect
It is pretended that, as a court of justice is open to the world, there can be no harm in giving the utmost publicity to its proceedings. It is strange the courts should act so rigidly on the principle, that it is better a dozen guilty men should go free, than that one innocent man should suffer and yet permit the gross injustice that is daily done by means of this practice. One would think, that if a court of justice is so open to the world, that it should be the business of the people of the world to enter it, in order that they might be certain that the information they crave should be without colouring or exaggeration. It is idle to say that the reports are accurate, and that he who reads is enabled to do justice to the accused, by comparing the facts that are laid before him. A reporter may give the expression of the tongue; but can he convey that of the eye of the countenance, or of the form?-without regarding all of which, no man perfectly master of the degree of credibility that is due to any witness of whose character he is necessarily ignorant. But every man has an infallible
Nothing can be more free than the press of this country, on all subjects connected with politics. Treason cannot be written, unless by communicating with an open enemy. There is no other protection to a public man than that which is given by an independent jury, which punishes, of course, in proportion to the dignity and importance of the injured party. But the utmost lenity is always used in construing the right of the press to canvass the public acts of public men. Mere commonplace charges defeat themselves, and get into discredit so soon as to be lost, while graver accusations are met by grave replies. There is no doubt that the complacency of individuals is sometimes disturbed by these liberties, but they serve to keep the officers of the government to their work, while they rarely do any lasting, or even temporary injury. Serious and criminal accusations against a public man, if groundless, are, by the law of reason, a crime against the community, and, as such, they are punished. The general principle observed in these matters is very simple. If A, accuse B. of an act that is an offence against law, he may be called on for his proof, and if he fail he must take the consequences. But an editor of a paper, or any one else, who should bring a criminal charge, no matter how grave, against the President, and who could prove it, is just as certain of doing it with impunity, as if he held the whole power in his own hands. He would be protected by the invincible shield of public opinion, which is not only in consonance with the law, but which, in this country, makes law.
Actions for injuries done by the press, considering the number of journals, are astonishingly rare in America. When one remembers the usual difficulty of obtaining legal proof, which is a constant temptation, even to the guilty, to appeal to the courts; and, on the other hand, the great freedom of the press, which
Leaving the journals, we come to those publications which make their appearance periodically. Of these there are a good many, some few of which are well supported. There are several scientific works, that are printed monthly, or quarterly, of respectable merit, and four or five reviews. Magazines of a more general character are not much encouraged. England, which is teeming with educated men, who are glad to make their bread by writing for these works, still affords too strong a competition for the success of any American attempts, in this species of literature. Though few, perhaps no English magazine is actually republished in America, a vast number are imported and read in the towns, where the support for any similar original production must first be found.
The literature of the United States has, indeed, too powerful obstacles to conquer before (to use a mercantile expression) it can ever enter the markets of its own country on terms of perfect equality with that of England. Solitary and individual works of genius may, indeed, be occasionally brought to light, under the impulses of the high feeling which has conceived them; but, I fear, a good, wholesome, profitable and continued pecuniary support, is the applause that talent most craves. The fact, that an American publisher can get an English work without money, must, for a few years longer, (unless legislative protection shall be extended to their own authors,) have a tendency to repress a national literature. No man
A capital American publisher has assured me that there are not a dozen writers in this country, whose works he should feel confidence in publishing at all, while he reprints hundreds of English books without the least hesitation,. This preference is by no means so much owing to any difference in merit, as to the fact that, when the price of the original author is to be added to the uniform hazard which accompanies all literary speculations, the risk becomes too great. The general taste of the reading world in this country is better than that of England. * The writer does not mean that the best taste of America is better than that of England; perhaps it is not quite so good; but, as a whole, the American reading world requires better looks than the whole of the English reading world.
When I say that books are not rejected here, from any want of talent in the writers, perhaps I ought to explain. I wish to express something a little different. Talent is sure of too many avenues to wealth and honours, in America, to seek, unnecessarily, an unknown and hazardous path. It is better paid in the ordinary pursuits of life, than it would be likely to be paid by an adventure in which an extraordinary and skilful, because practised, foreign competition is certain. Perhaps high talent does not often make the trial with the American bookseller; but it is precisely for the reason I have named.
The second obstacle against which American literature has to contend, is in the poverty of materials, There is Scarcely an ore which contributes to the wealth of the author, that is found, here, in veins as rich as in Europe. There are no annals for the historian; no follies (beyond the most vulgar and commonplace) for the satirist; no manners for the dramatist; no obscure fictions for the writer of romance; no gross and hardy offences against decorum for the moralist; nor any of the rich artificial auxiliaries of poetry. The weakest hand can extract a spark from the flint, but it would baffle the strength of giant to attempt kindling a flame with a pudding-stone I very well know there are theorists who assume that the society and institutions of this country are, or ought to be, particularly favourable to novelties and variety. But the experience of one month, in these States, is sufficient to show any observant man the falsity of their position. The effect of a promiscuous assemblage any where, is to create a standard of deportment; and great liberty permits every one to aim at its attainment. I have never seen a nation so much alike in my life, as the people of the United States, and what is more, they are not
It is very true that there are a few young poets now living in this country, who have wholesome, but scentless native plants. They have, however, been compelled to seek their inspiration in the universal laws of nature, and they have succeeded, precisely in proportion as they have been most general in their application. Among these gifted young men, there is one (Halleck) who is remarkable for an exquisite vein of ironical wit, mingled with a fine, poetical, and, frequently a lofty expression. This gentleman commenced his career as a satirist in one of the journals of New-York. Heaven knows; his materials were none of the richest; and yet the melody of his verse, the quaintness and force of his comparisons, and the exceeding humour of his strong points, brought him instantly into notice. He then attempted
Vol. IIbelle.
He was again successful, though every body, at least every body of any talent, felt that he wrote in leading-strings. But he happened, shortly after, the appearance of the little volume just named, (Fanny,) to visit England. Here his spirit was properly excited, and, probably on a rainy day he was induced to try his hand at a
jeu d'esprit
, in the mother country. The result was one of the finest semi-heroic ironical descriptions to be found in the English language.
* This little
morceau of pleasant irony is called Alnwick Castle.
Notwithstanding the difficulties of the subjects talent has even done more than in the instance of Mr. Halleck. I could mention several other young poets of this country of rare merits. By mentioning Bryant, Percival, and Sprague, I shall direct your attention to the names of those whose works would be most likely to give you pleasure. Unfortunately they are not yet known in Italian, but I think even you would not turn in distaste from the task of translation which the best of their effusions will invite.
The next, though certainly an inferior branch of imaginative writing, is fictitious composition. From the facts just named, you cannot expect that the novelists, or romance writers of the United States, should be very successful. The same reason will be likely, for a long time to come, to repress the ardour of dramatic genius. Stills tales and plays are no novelties in the literature of this country. Of the former, there are many as old as soon after the revolution, and a vast number have been published within the last five years. One of their authors of romance,
The reputation of Irving is well known to you. He is an author distinguished for a quality (humour) that has been denied his countrymen; and his merit is the more rare, that it has been shown in a state of society so cold and so restrained. Besides these writers, there are many others of a similar character, who enjoy a greater or less degree of favour in their own country. The works of two or three have even been translated (into French) in Europe, and a great many are reprinted in England. Though every writer of fiction in America has to contend against the difficulties I have named, there is a certain interest in the novelty of the subject, which is not without its charm. I think, however, it will be found that they have all been successful, or the reverse, just as they have drawn warily, or freely, on the distinctive habits of their own country. I now speak of their success purely as writers of romance. It certainly would be possible for an American to give a description of the manners of his own country, in a book that he might choose to call a romance, which should be read, because the world is curious on the subject, but which would certainly never be read from that nearly indefinable poetical interest which attaches itself to a description of manners less bald and uniform. All the attempts to blend history with romance in America,
The Americans have always been prolific writers on polemics and politics. Their sermons and fourth of July orations are numberless. Their historians, without being very classical or very profound, are remarkable for truth and good sense. There is not, perhaps, in the language a closer reasoner in metaphysics than Edwards; and their theological writers find great favour among the sectarians of their respective schools.
The stage of the United States is decidedly English. Both plays and players, with few exceptions, are imported. Theatres Are numerous, and they are to be found in places where a traveller would little expect to meet them. Of course they are of all sizes, and of every degree of decoration and architectural beauty known in Europe, below the very highest. The façade of the principal theatre in Philadelphia, is a chaste specimen in marble, of the Ionic, if my memory is correct. In New-York, there are two theatres about as large as the Théatre Français
The Americans pay well for dramatic talent. Cooke, the greatest English tragedian of our age, died on this side of the Atlantic; and there are few players of eminence in the mother country who are not tempted, at some time or other, to cross the ocean. Shakspeare is, of course, the great author of America, as he is of England, and I think he is quite as well relished here as there. In point of taste, if all the rest of the world be any thing against England, that of America is the best, since it unquestionably approaches nearest to that of the continent of Europe. Nearly one-half of the theatrical taste of the English is condemned by their own judgments, since the stage is not much supported by those who have had an opportunity of seeing any other. You will be apt to ask me how it happens, then, that the American taste is better? Because the people, being less exaggerated in their habits, are less disposed to tolerate caricatures, and because the theatres are not yet sufficiently numerous (though that hour is near) to admit of a representation that shall not be subject to the control of a certain degree of intelligence. I have heard an English player complain that he never saw such a dull audience as the one before which he had just been exhibiting; and I heard the same audience complain that they never listened to such dull jokes. Now, there was talent enough in both parties; but the one had formed his taste in a coarse shcool, and the others had formed theirs under the dominion of common sense. Independently of this peculiarity, there is a vast deal of acquired, travelled taste in
K 2
Of dramatic writers there are none, or next to none. The remarks I have made in respect to novels apply with double force to this species of composition. A witty and successful American comedy could only proceed from extraordinary talent. There would be less difficulty, certainly, with a tragedy; but still, there is rather too much foreign competition, and too much domestic employment in other pursuits, to invite genius to so doubtful an enterprise. The very baldness of ordinary American life is in deadly hostility to scenic representation. The character must be supported solely by its intrinsic power. The judge, the footman, the clown, the lawyer, the belle, or the beau, can receive no great assistance from dress. Melo-dramas, except the scene should be laid in the woods, are out of the question. It would be necessary to seek the great clock, which is to strike the portentous twelve blows, in the nearest church; a vaulted passage would degenerate into a cellar; and, as for ghosts, the country was discovered, since their visitations have ceased. The smallest departure from the incidents of ordinary life would do violence to every man's experience; and, as already mentioned, the passions which belong to human nature must be delineated, in America, subject to the influence of that despot—common sense.
Notwithstanding the overwhelming influence of British publications, and all the difficulties I have named, original books are getting to be numerous in the United States. The impulses of talent and intelligence
Washington,—
—
You
will be satisfied with these reasons for the abrupt conclusion of my last. I shall now tax your patience for a short continuation of the subject.
Although there are so many reasons why an imaginative literature should not be speedily created in this country, there is none, but that general activity of employment which is not favourable to study, why science and all the useful arts should not be cultivated here, perhaps, more than any where else. Great attention is already paid to the latter. Though there is scarce such a thing as a capital picture in this whole country, I have seen more beautiful, graceful, and convenient ploughs in positive use here, than are probably to be found in the whole of Europe united. In this single fact may be traced the history of the character of the people, and the germ of their future greatness. Their axe is admirable for form, for neatness, and precision of weight, and it is wielded with a skill that is next to incredible. Reapers are nearly unknown; but I have seen single individuals enter a field of grain in the morning, andcradle
,
* The writer does not know whether this implement is an American invention or not.
† The whole period that the Patent Office has been in existence.
The general accumulation of science in this country is exceedingly great, though it is quite likely that few men have yet attained to a very eminent degree of knowledge in any one particular branch. Still it is probable, that the amount of science in the United
In architecture the Americans have certainly no great reason to exult. They appear to have inherited the peculiarity of their ancestors, in all matters of mere taste. Their houses are mostly built of wood in the country and in the villages, and of bricks in the towns. There are, however, exceptions, in all cases, which reverse the rule. There are many farm-houses, seats, churches, court-houses, &c. in the country and smaller towns, which are of stone. Marble and granite are getting a good deal into use, too, in the more northern cities. The principal motive which controls their taste is economy. It is commonly cheapest to build of wood in the country, but where stone is at hand, and of a good quality, it begins to be preferred, in what may be called the second and third stages of the settlements. As the materials are cheap, the buildings are in common much larger than would be occupied by men of the same wealth in Europe. A house of forty or of forty-five feet front, and of thirty or thirty-five feet in depth, of two stories, with cellars, and garret, and with offices attached, is a usual dwelling for the owner of one or of two hundred acres of land, in a part of the country that has been under cultivation thirty or forty years. Such a man may be worth from five to ten thousand dollars. He has his growing orchard; fifty sheep; some eight or ten cows; a stock of young cattle; three or four horses; one or two yoke of oxen; hogs, poultry, and all the other provisions of a small farm. He grows his own maize; fattens his own pork; makes his own cider; kills his own beef; raises his own wheat, rye, and flax; and, in short, lives as much as possible on the articles of his
The villas and country-seats are commonly pretty, without ever attaining much elegance of size. A better sort of American country-house will cover perhaps sixty or seventy feet of ground in length, and from fifty to sixty in depth. There are some of twice this size; but I should say the first was a fair average. There are a great many a size smaller. The expense of building is, of course, in proportion to the general cost of every article in the particular place where the house is erected. I am told the best buildings in New-York cost from thirty to forty thousand dollars. A few are even much more expensive. But the town-house, occupied by a majority of their gentlemen (those who own theft own dwellings), cost probably something under twenty thousand.
* The writer afterwards saw a row of buildings in New-York of the following cost and dimensions; twenty-five feet front, (in marble) fifty-five feet deep, and of three stories, besides the basement. The lots were two hundred feet in depth. The buildings were about as well finished as a third-rate London town-house. The cost of the whole was ten thousand dollars, and the rent six hundred dollars a-year. These houses were in the dearest city of America, but not in the dearest part of the town.
As some general idea of the state of the useful arts must have been obtained, in the course of my previous letters to the fraternity, I shall now pass to those which are intended exclusively to embellish life.
The United States, considered with reference to their means and opportunities, have been exceedingly prolific in painters. It is rather remarkable, that, in a country where active and less hazardous employments
There are some highly respectable professional landscape painters. One of them (a Mr. Cole) possesses the rare faculty of giving to his pictures the impression of nature, to a degree so extraordinary, that he promises to become eminent. You know my eye is only for nature. I have heard both high eulogiums and sneering critiques on the powers of this young man, as an artist; some declaring that he has reached a point far beyond that attained by any of his competitors, and others denying that he knows how to make a sky look blue,
secundum artem.
To me his scenery is like the scenery from which he drew: and as he has taste and skill enough to reject what is disagreeable, and to arrange the attractive parts of his pictures, I only hope he will continue to study the great master from whom he has drawn his first inspirations. America has produced several historical painters. West, though a native of this country, and, perhaps with a pardonable vanity, claimed
It is plain that the system of elementary education pursued by this country, must bring an extraordinary quantity of talent, within the influence of those causes which lead to renown. If we suppose one hundred men in America to possess the same amount of native talent as one hundred men in any other part of the world, more of it will, of necessity, be excited to action, since more individuals are placed in situations to feel and to improve their infant powers. Although a certain degree of excellence in the higher branches of learning and of art, may yet be necessary to create
The purely intellectual day of America is yet in its dawn. But its sun will not arise from darkness, like those of nations with whose experience we are familiar; nor is the approach of its meridian to be calculated by the known progress of any other people. The learned professions are now full to overflowing, not so much with learning as with incumbents, certainly, but so much so, as to begin to give a new direction to education and talents. Writers are already getting to be numerous, for literature is beginning to be profitable. Those authors who are successful, receive prices for their labours, which exceed those paid to the authors of any country, England alone excepted; and which exceed even the prices paid to the most distinguished authors of the mother country, if the difference in the relative value of money in the two countries, and in the luxury of the press, be computed. The same work which is sold in England for six dollars, is sold in the United States for two. The profit to the publisher is obtained out of a common rate of per centage. Now, as thirty-three and a third per cent. on six thousand
L
* This calculation supposes one-third of the price to go to the trade in discount, one-third to the expenses, and the other third to constitute the joint profit of the author and publisher.
The literature of the United States is a subject of the highest interest to the civilized world; for when it does begin to be felt, it will be felt with a force, a directness, and a common sense in its application, that has never yet been known. If there were no other points of difference between this country and other nations, those of its political and religious freedom, alone, would give a colour of the highest importance to the writings of a people so thoroughly imbued with their distinctive principles, and so keenly alive to their advantages. The example of America has been silently operating on Europe for half a century; but its doctrines and its experience, exhibited with the understanding of those familiar with both have never yet been pressed on our attention. I think the time for the experiment is getting near.
A curious inquiry might be raised as to the probable fate of the English language, among so many people having equal claims to its possession. I put this question to my friend, who has kindly permitted me to give you the substance of his reply. You will
“In order to decide which nation speaks the English language best, it becomes necessary to refer to some standard. If it be assumed that the higher classes in London are always to set the fashion in pronunciation, and the best living writers in England are to fix the meaning of words, the point is clearly decided in their favour, since one cannot see on what principle they are to be put in the wrong. That the better company of London must set the fashion for the pronunciation, of words in England, and indeed for the whole English empire, is quite plain; for, as this very company comprises all those whose manners, birth, fortune, and political distinction, make them the objects of admiration, it becomes necessary to imitate their affectations, whether of speech or air, in order to create the impression that one belongs to their society. It is absurd to think that either parliament, or the stage, or the universities, or the church, can produce any very serious effect on the slighter forms of utterance adopted by this powerful caste. The player may hint at the laws of prosody for ever, unless his rule happens to suit the public ear, it becomes no more than the pronunciation of the stage. The fellow, when he gets beyond his cloisters, is glad to conceal the habits of retirement in the language of the world; and as for the member of Parliament, if he happen to be of the caste, he speaks like the rest of them; and if not, he is no better than a vulgar fellow, who is very glad to conceal his provincialisms by having as little said about them as possible. In short, the bishop might just as well expect to induce the exquisite to wear a copy of his wig, or the representative of Othello, to set the fashion of smooty faces, as either of them to think of giving the tone to pronunciation, or even tola charte
, the control of politics in France, it asserts its own prerogative over every other interest of the empire, religion, perhaps, a little excepted.
“There exists a very different state of things in America. If we had a great capital, like London, where men of leisure, and fortune, and education, periodically assembled to amuse themselves, I think we should establish a fashionable aristocracy, too, which should give the mode to the forms of speech, as well as to that of dress and deportment. Perhaps the influence of talent and wit would be as much
“If the people of this country were like the people of any other country on earth, we should be speaking at this moment a great variety of nearly unintelligible patois; but, in point of fact, the people of the United States, with the exception of a few of German and French descent, speak, as a body, an incomparably better English than the people of the mother country. There is not, probably, a man (of English descent) born in this country, who would not be perfectly intelligible to all whom he should meet in the streets of London, though a vast number of those he met in the streets of London would be nearly unintelligible to him. In fine, we speak our language, as a nation,
L 2
* Of course the writer calls Italy one nation, and all Germany one nation, so far as language is concerned.
“It is another peculiarity of our institutions, that the language of the country, instead of becoming more divided into provincial dialects, is becoming, not only more assimilated to itself as a whole, but more assimilated to a standard which sound general principles, and the best authorities among our old writers, would justify. The distinctions in speech between New-England and New-York, or Pennsylvania, or any other State, were far greater twenty years ago than they are now. Emigration alone would produce a large portion of this change; but emigration would often introduce provincialisms without correcting them, did it not also, by bringing acute men together, sharpen wits, provoke comparisons, challenge investigations, and, finally, fix a standard.
“It has been a matter of hot dispute, for the last twenty years, in which of our large towns the best English is spoken. The result of this discussion has been to convince most people who know any thing of the matter, that a perfectly, pure English is spoken nowhere, and to establish the superiority, on one point in favour of Boston, on another in favour of New-York, and so on to the end of the chapter. The effect of all this controversy is, to make men think seriously on the subject, and thinking seriously is the first step in amendment. We do amend, andreasonable
English will be used in this country than exists here now. How far this melioration or purification of our language will affect the mother country, is another question.
“It is, perhaps, twenty years too soon to expect that England will very complacently submit to receive opinions or fashions very directly from America.” [What she will do twenty years later, is a question that little concerns us, dear Abbate, since I have not, and you ought not to have, any very direct interests in the fortunes of posterity.] “But the time has already arrived, when America is beginning to receive with great distrust fashions and opinions from England. Until within the last fifteen years, the influence of the mother country, in all things connected with mere usages, was predominant to an incredible
“On a thousand subjects we have been rudely provoked into comparisons,—an experiment that the most faultless generally find to be attended with hazard. We are a bold though a quiet people, and names and fashions go for but little when set in opposition to the unaccommodating and downright good sense of this nation. It may be enough for an Englishman that an innovation on language is supported by the pretty lips of such or such a belle of quality and high degree; but the American sees too many pretty lips at home, to be very submissive to any foreign dictation of this sort. I think it plain, therefore, that the language must be reduced to known general rules, and rules, too, that shall be respected as such rules should be, or else we shall have a dialect distinct from that of the mother country. I have not, however, the slightest apprehensions of any thing of the kind arriving, since any one who understands the use of figures can estimate the probable influence of the two nations half a century hence. I think it will be just as much the desire of England then to be in our fashion, as it was our desire twenty years ago to be in hers, and for precisely the same reason. The influence of fifty millions of people, living under one government, backed by enormous wealth, extended intelligence, a powerful literature, and unrivalled freedom, cannot be very problematical, in the eyes of any man who is capable of regarding the subject free from prejudice or passion. I very well know there is a fashion of predicting the separation of our States, and a consequent disorganization of society, which would certainly weaken that influence. These predictions were made fifty years ago with rather more confidence than they are made now, and those who know most in the matter, treat them with very little deference. But, admitting that they should be
“You may have a curiosity to know something of the present state of the language in America. I have already said that there is no patois throughout the whole of this country. There is broken English among the Germans, French, and other foreigners, but nothing that is very widely distinct from the language of London. Still there are words of perfectly
“Throughout all New-England, and among most of the descendants of the people of New-England, the English language is spoken with more or less of an intonation derived, I believe, from the western counties of England, and with a pronunciation that is often peculiar to themselves. They form so large a proportion of the entire population of the country, that some of their provincialisms are getting to form a part of our ordinary language. The peculiarity of the New-England dialect (the term is almost too strong) is most discernible in the manner in which they dwell on the last word of a sentence, or the last syllable of a word. It is not properly drawling, for they speak very quick in common, much quicker than the English; so quick, indeed, as to render syllables frequently indistinct: but, in consequence of the peculiar pause they make on the
* The phrase of “I wonder if he did,” is very common in New England. It is usually uttered “I wonder if he de-e-e-e-ed,” with a falling of the voice at the last word, to nearly an octave below the rest of the sentence. Sometimes there is more than one resting point, in a sentence of any length.
“Another marked peculiarity of New-England is in the pronunciation of a great many words. The fact that a vast improvement has occurred in this respect within the last thirty years, however, goes to prove the truth of what I have just told you, no less than of the increasing intelligence of the nation.
“When I was a boy, I was sent from a middle State, for my education, to Connecticut. I took with me, of course, the language of my father's house. In the first year I was laughed out of a great many correct sounds, and into a great many vulgar and disagreeable substitutes. At my return home to pass a vacation, I almost threw a sister into fits by calling one of her female friends a ‘virtoous
an
-gel,’ pronouncing the first syllable of the last word like the article. It was in vain that I supported my new reading by the authorities
of the university.
The whole six weeks were passed in hot discussions between my sister and myself, amidst the laughter and merriment of a facetious father, who had the habit of trotting me through my Connecticut prosody by inducing me to recite Pope's Temple of Fame, to the infinite delight of two or three waggish elder brothers, who had got their English longs and shorts in a more southern school. It was at a time of life when shavingberd;
or, for which, if pushed a little harder than common, I gave them a choice between
berd
and
baird.
Even to this hour, it is rare to find a native of New-England who does not possess some of these marked provincialisms of speech. By a singular corruption, the word
stone
is often pronounced stun, while
none
is pronounced
noane
, or nearly like
known.
The latter is almost a shibboleth, as is
nothing
, pronounced according to the natural power of the letters, instead of
nuthing.
I think, however, a great deal of the peculiarity of New-England pronunciation is to be ascribed to the intelligence of its inhabitants. This may appear a paradox; but it can easily be explained. They all read and write; but the New-Englandman, at home, is a man of exceedingly domestic habits. He has a theoretical knowledge of the language, without its practice. Those who migrate lose many of their peculiarities in the mixed multitudes they encounter; but
into
New-England the current of emigration, with the exception of that which originally came from the mother country, has never set. It is vain to tell a man who has his book before him, that
cham
spells
chame
, as in
chamber;
or
an, ane
, as in
angel;
or
dan, dane
, as in
danger.
He replies by asking what sound is produced by
an, dan
, and
cham.
I believe it would be found, on pursuing the inquiry, that a great number of their peculiar sounds are introduced through their spelling-books, and yet there are some, certainly, that cannot be thus explained. It is not too much to say that nine people in ten, in New-England, pronounce
does, dooze
, when the mere power the letters would make it nearer
doze.
There is one more singular corruption, which I shall mention before I go farther south, and which often comes from the mouths ofto show
was formerly, and is even now, spelt
shew
, and
shewed
in its participle; I have heard men of education and manners, in Boston, say, “
shew
me that,” for, he
showed
me that.
“With these exceptions, which are sufficiently numerous, and the hard sound they almost always give the letter
u
, the people of New-England speak the language more like the people of Old-England than any other parts of our country. They speak with a closer mouth, both physically and morally, than those who live further south and west. There is also a little of a nasal sound among some of them, but it is far from being as general as the other peculiarities I have named.
“The middle States certainly speak a softer English than their brethren of the east. I should say, that when you get as far south as Maryland, the softest, and perhaps as pure an English is spoken as is any where heard. No rule on such a subject, however, is without many exceptions in the United States. The emigration alone would, as yet, prevent perfect uniformity. The voices of the American females are particularly soft and silvery; and I think the language, a harsh one at the best, is made softer by our women, especially of the middle and southern States, than you often hear it in Europe.
“New-York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, have each their peculiar phrases. Some of the women have a habit of dwelling a little too long on the final syllables, but I think it is rare among the higher classes of society. I don't know that it exists at all, as far south as Baltimore. As you go further south, it is true, you get a slower utterance, and other slight varieties of provincialism. In Georgia, you find a positive drawl, among what are called the “crackers.” More or less of this drawl, and of all the peculiar
Vol.
II.
“The usual vulgar phrases which are put into the mouths of Americans, are commonly caricatured, though always founded in truth. ‘I guess,’ is a phrase of New-England, It is used a great deal, though not as often, as ‘you know,’ by a cockney. It proceeds, I think, from the cautious and subdued habit of speaking which is characteristic of these people. The gentlemen rarely use it, though I confess I have heard it, interlarding the conversation of pretty lips that derived none of their beauty from the Puritans. You see, therefore, that it has been partially introduced by the emigrants into the middle States. Criticism is here so active, just now, that it is rapidly getting into disuse The New-Yorker frequently says, ‘I suspect,’ and the Virginian, ‘I reckon.’ But the two last are often used in the best society in the mother country.
* The negroes have a habit of saying, “you sabber dat,” for, you know that; can this be one of their African terms, or is it a corruption of “saber,” or of “savoir,” that has found its way to the continent from the neighbouring islands?
“The difference in pronunciation and in the use of words, between the really good society of this country and that of England, is not very great. In America, we can always tell an Englishman by what we are pleased to call his provincialisms (and, quite half the time, the term is correct,) I was struck at the close resemblance between the language of the higher classes in the mother country, and the higher classes of my own, especially if the latter belong to the middle States. There are certainly points of difference, but they as often proceed from affectation in individuals, as from the general habits of the two countries. Cockneyisms are quite as frequent in the language of an English gentleman, as provincialismso
-casion,’ with a heavy emphasis; and just before we sailed, I remember to have burst into involuntary laughter at hearing a distinguished orator denounce a man for having been the ‘recipient of a bribe of ten guineas.’ The language of Parliament is undeniably far more correct than that of Congress; but when it is recollected that the one body is a representation of the aristocracy of a condensed community, and the other a representation of the various classes of a widely-spread people, the rational odds is immensely in our favour. I am not sure that one, who took pleasure in finding fault, might not detect quite as many corruptions of the English language in the good society of the mother country, as in the good society of our own. The latter, strictly considered, bears a less proportion to our numbers, however, than the same class bears to the population of England. The amount of the whole subject I take to be simply this: allowing for all the difference in numbers, there is vastly more bad English, and a thousand times more bad grammar
Washington, —
If
I have said nothing for a long time, concerning your distinguished countryman, it has not been for want of materials. The
éclat
which attends his passage through the country, is as brilliant as it was the day he landed; but were I to attempt to give you a continuous history of the ceremonies and pageants that grow out of his visit, my letters would be filled with nothing else. One of the former has, however, just occurred here, which may have a particular interest. I shall, therefore, attempt to describe a few of its outlines. Before proceeding to this task, permit me to mention one circumstance, that has struck me with peculiar force, and which I beg you will communicate to our friend the Abbate, when next you write to him.
At Philadelphia, after a triumphal entry, in which something like twenty thousand of the militia were
La Fayette arrived in Washington some time before the meeting of Congress. He had an appropriate reception from the inhabitants of the district, and was received into the house of the President. But his time was too precious to be unnecessarily lost. All were anxious to see him, and he was, apparently,
M 2
On his return to this place, it was announced that the House of Representatives intended to give him a public and solemn reception. He was received by the Senate in a simple, and more private, but in an affectionate manner. I was in their hall, on this occasion, and was greatly struck with the quiet dignity of the ceremony. There was a short address, and a simple reply, after which La Fayette was invited to take his seat on the sofa, by the side of the President of the Senate.
* The Vice-President of that day, being often indisposed, rarely presided, and a President
pro tem., according to a custom, performed his duties. The Vice-President (Mr. Tomp kins) died soon after.
On the day of the more public ceremony in the hall of the Representatives, every one was seen mounting the Capitol hill at an early hour. We got places, as usual, on the floor of the house, where we could both hear and see. The galleries were
The Speaker of the House of Representatives is a man of singular talents, and of great native eloquence. In person he is tall and spare, and he is far from being graceful in his ordinary air and attitudes. His countenance is one of those in which a pleasing whole is produced by parts that are far from being particularly attractive. In face and form, Mr. Clay (the Speaker) is not unlike the pictures of the last Pitt, nor is he unlike him in the power of addressing public bodies. Notwithstanding these defects of the physique, few men are capable of producing as great an effect as Mr. Clay, when he is placed in situations to exhibit his talents. His gesticulation is graceful, and exceedingly dignified, his utterance slow, distinct, and gentlemanly, and his voice one of the sweetest imaginable.
* The Attorney-General of the United States (Mr. Wirt) has the sweetest voice the writer ever heard in a public speaker. It is something in the style of that of Mr. Peel, though nothing can be more different than their usual manner of speaking.
At the appointed hour, the doors of the hall were thrown open, and a simple little procession advanced with dignity into the body of the house. It was composed of the Senators of the United States, preceded by a delegation of the lower house, who had been sent to invite them to attend at the approaching ceremony. They were in pairs; the Senators of each State walking together. Forty-eight chairs were placed near the Speaker for their reception, and, after exchanging bows with the members of the lower
The doors now opened again, and a deputation of twenty-four members of Congress (one from each State) slowly entered the hall. In their front was La Fayette, supported by their chairman and a representative from Louisiana. The whole assembly rose; the guest was led into the centre of the hall, and then the chairman of the deputation said, in an audible voice,
“Mr. Speaker, your committee have the honour to introduce General La Fayette to the House of Representatives.”
A sofa had been placed for La Fayette, and he was now invited to be seated. Both houses resumed their chairs, and the guest occupied his sofa. A short pause succeeded, when the Speaker rose with deliberation and dignity. The instant the tones of his sweet voice were heard in the hall, a silence reigned among the auditors that equalled the stillness of death. La Fayette stood to listen. The address was evidently
extempore
, but it was delivered with the ease of a man long accustomed to rely on himself, in scenes of high excitement. He was evidently moved, though the grace of manner and the command of words were rather heightened than suppressed, by his emotions. I shall endeavour to give you the substance of what he said:
“General,—The House of Representatives of the United States, impelled alike by its own feelings, and by those of the whole American people, could not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty, than that of presenting to you cordial congratulations on the occasion of your recent arrival in this country.
“The vain wish has been sometimes indulged that Providence would allow the patriot to return to his country after death, and to contemplate the changes to which time had given birth. To the American this would have been to view the forest felled, cities built, mountains levelled, canals cut, highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement of learning, and the increase of population.
“General,—Your present visit is a realization of the consoling object of that wish. You stand in the
During this discourse, La Fayette was visibly affected. Instead of answering immediately, he took his seat, which he retained for a minute, struggling to conquer his feelings; then rising, he replied in English, and with powerful feeling, nearly as follows. I think the slight evidence of a foreign idiom, which his reply contains, adds to its interest.
“Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives—While the people of the United States, and their honourable Representatives in Congress, have deigned to make choice of me, one of the American veterans, to signify in his person their esteem for our joint services and their attachment to the principles for which we have had the honour to fight and bleed, I am proud and happy to share those extraordinary favours with my dear revolutionary companions. Yet, it would be, on my part, uncandid and ungrateful not to acknowledge my personal share in those testimonies of kindness, as they excite in my breast emotions which no words are adequate to express.
“My obligations to the United States, Sir, far exceed any merit I might claim. They date from the time when I have had the happiness to be adopted as a young soldier, a favoured son of America; they have been continued to me during almost half a century of constant affection and confidence; and now, Sir, thanks to your most gratifying invitation, I find myself greeted by a series of welcomes, one hour of which would more than compensate for the public exertions and sufferings of a whole life.
“The approbation of the American people, and of their representatives, for my conduct during the vicissitudes of the European revolution, is the highest reward I could receive. Well may I stand firm and erect, when in their names, and by you, Mr. Speaker, I am declared to have, in every instance, been faithful to those American principles of liberty, equality, and true social order, the devotion to which, as it has been from my earliest youth, so it shall continue to be a solemn duty to my latest breath.
“You have been pleased, Mr. Speaker, to allude to the peculiar felicity of my situation, when, after so long an absence, I am called to witness the immense improvements, the admirable communications, of the prodigious creation of which we find an example in this city, whose name itself is a venerated palladium; in a word, all the grandeur and prosperity of those happy United States, who, at the same time they nobly secure the complete assertion of American independence, reflect on every part of the world the light of a far superior political civilization.
“What better pledge can be given of a persevering national love of liberty, when those blessings are evidently the result of a virtuous resistance to oppression, and of institutions founded on the rights of man and the republican principle of self-government?
“No, Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for me, since, in the sons of my companions and friends,
“Sir, I have been allowed, forty years ago, before a committee of a Congress of thirteen States, to express the fond wishes of an American heart. On this day, I have the honour, and enjoy the delight, to congratulate the representatives of the Union, so vastly enlarged, on the realization of those wishes, even beyond every human expectation, and upon the almost infinite prospects we can with certainty anticipate. Permit me, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, to join to the expression of those sentiments, a tribute of my lively gratitude, affectionate devotion, and profound respect.”
A deeper silence never pervaded any assembly than that with which the audience listened to this answer. There was so much of nature, of sincerity, and of affection in the manner of the speaker, and quite evidently so, little of preparation in the language of his reply, that it produced a vastly greater effect than any studied discourse, however elegant in phraseology and thought.
After a short pause of a few minutes, during which many of the members were manifestly stilling their awakened feelings, the gentleman who had announced La Fayette arose, and impressively moved that the house should now adjourn. The question was put and carried, and then all present, members and spectators, crowded about their guest, to renew welcomes and felicitations which were reiterated for the thousandth time.
I do not know that the Americans have any particular tact in their manner of conducting ceremonies, perhaps, on the contrary, they are not much practised in their mysteries; but, as natural feelings are as little disturbed as possible, I have ever found in the receptions, greetings, and
fêtes
they have given
After the business of the morning was ended, Cadwallader and myself joined a small party which continued about the person of La Fayette, whom we accompanied to his lodgings. The heart of the old man was full, and he took an evident delight in recurring to those events of the revolution which redounded to the credit of a people, in whose history and character he seems to take the same pride that a fond father would feel in witnessing the advance of a promising son. During our ride, he mentioned several little circumstances that are worthy of repetition; but the limits of this letter must confine me to two.
In the year 1779 and 1780, La Fayette commanded the light infantry of the American army. Most of the soldiers were natives of New-England, or of the middle States. With these troops he was sent from the north to act against Cornwallis, in that memorable campaign in which he did himself so much honour by his prudence and spirit, and which terminated in the capture of the latter. On reaching Baltimore, the effects of climate, and of a removal from home, became quite apparent on the spirits of his men. They conversed among themselves of the dangers of a summer passed in the low countries of Virginia, and for a few nights there were repeated desertions. It was of the latest importance to put a stop to a feeling that threatened destruction to the service. The young Frenchman took counsel of his
Vol.
II.
Throughout the whole of the war of 1776, the American army was rarely exempted from severe suffering. They had to contend with disease and hunger; were often without shoes, even in winter, and frequently without ammunition. * The writer made an acquaintance with two veterans of that war, while in America. One of them assured him he marched into the battle of Trenton (he was a lieutenant, and it was in the depth of winter) without a shirt; and the other, who was in the cavalry, assured him, that by charging at the battle of Eutaw into a thicket of black-jacks, (a short of thorny bush,) where the english infantry had thrown themselves, after the principal rencontre, he lost a far more important vestment, which he was not able to replace, until he luckily found a piece of the tow-cloth in the highway.
Washington—
—
It
was a week I recovered from the shock of such an alarm. But on more mature thought, (especially when I came coolly to reflect on some recent dangers through which I had myself passed in triumph, as well as on the numberless instances in which I had felt symptoms of the same disorder,) I began to consider your cause as far from hopeless. We become more liable to these attacks as we advance life, and I warn you of being constantly on your guard against them. I also beg leave to recommend exercise and change of scene as the most effectual cure. I an\m fully persuaded that had not fortune made us all travellers, we should long since have ceased to be the independent beings we are. Waller spoke, in his last letter, of a Venetian beauty,mauvaise honte
, to mauvaise honte, to dread any thing serious from the affair. I think his eminently impartial manner of viewing things, will for ever save him from the sin of matrimony, Besides, the girl is only descended from two doges of the fifteenth century and four or five old admirals of the thirteenth and fourteenth, a genealogy that surely cannot pretend to compete with the descent of a Somersetshire baronet, whose great-grandfather was an alderman of Lincoln, and whose great-grandmother was the youngest daughter of a British officer, If you doubt the truth of the last circumstance, I refer you to the half-pay list: of lieutenants of dragoons, in the reign of George the Second.
You have made a much more formidable request than you appear to think, when you desire that I will give you a detailed account of the system of jurisprudence, of the laws, and of the different courts of this country. The subject, properly and ably considered, would require a year of time, and infinitely more legal science than I can lay claim to possess. Still, as I may tell you some things of which you are as yet a stranger, I shall not shrink from the task of communicating the little I do know, under the stale plea of incompetency.
About a week after our arrival in this place, Cadwallader and myself had descended from the hall of the House of Representatives to the caucus, and we were about to leave the Capitol, when my friend made a sudden inclination to the left, motioning for me to follow. He passed into the basement of the northern wing of the edifice. I had seen but a few minutes before, by the naked flag-staff, that the Senate had adjourned, * A flag is kept flying over the wings in which the two houses meet, when they are in session, and they are struck as either body adjourns. These are signals that enable people at a distance to learn whether the Senate, or lower house, are still together or not.employés
of some grave and important body; though, with the exception of the black silk robes, I saw no other badges of office. On the right, and on the left, there were benches in paws, and perhaps thirty or forty more gentlemen were seated on them, listening to what was said. Among these auditors, there might have been a dozen genteel looking women. This assemblage was composed of the judges, the advocates, the officers, and the suitors of the Supreme Court of the United States. All present who did not come within one or the other of the above-mentioned denominations, were, like ourselves, merely curious witnesses of the proceedings.
We staid an hour listening to the argument of a distinguished advocate. He was a member of Congress from one of the eastern States, and by the simplicity of his language, and the acuteness and force of his thoughts, he was clearly a man who would
N 2
My attention was given more to the severe simplicity which marked the aspect and proceedings of this powerful tribunal, than to the particular subject before it. I found high authority again reposing with confidence on the most naked ceremonials, and I again found it surrounded by an air of deep reverence, which proves how little the vulgar auxiliaries of our easter inventions are necessary to insure it respect and obedience. On no other occasion was I ever so completely sensible of the feebleness of an artificial, or of the majesty or a true, because a natural dignity, as on this. I have heard the wigs, and robes, and badges of office of half the tribunals of Europe laughed at, even by those who become familiar with their absurdities; but I do not know on what the most satirical wit could seize, in a body like this, to turn into ridicule. It is no small proof of the superiority that is obtained by the habit of considering things in their direct and natural aspects, that wigs, and other similar encumbrances, which are heaped upon the human form, with us, in order to heighten respect, in this country are avoided, in order to protect those, who should be venerated, from undeserved ridicule.
Considered in reference to its functions, and to the importance of the trusts which it discharges, the Supreme Court of the United States is the most august tribunal of the world. It may not yet be called upon to decide on causes which involve as great an amount of property, perhaps, as some of the courts of England; but, as the wealth and power of this country
You already know that the theory of the American government assumes that all power is the natural and necessary right of the people. The accidental circumstances of colonization had thrown the settlers into a certain number of bodies politic, before the era of their revolution. Until that event arrived, each province was entirely distinct and independent of all the others, except as they had common relations through their allegiance to the crown of England, and through those commercial and general interests which united them as the subjects of the same empire.
For the purpose of achieving their independence, the different provinces entered into a compact which partook of the nature of an intimate and indissoluble alliance. The articles of the confederation were a sort of treaty, that was not, however, limited to definite, but which embraced general objects, and which was to know no limits to its duration, but such as necessity must put to all things. Still it was little more than an intimate alliance between thirteen separate and independent governments. Money was to be raised for avowed and general purposes; but it was done in the way of subsidies rather than of taxation. Each State collected its own resources in its own manner, and it had fulfilled most of its obligations to the confederation when it had paid its quota, and when it permitted the few public agents appointed by the Congress to discharge the particular trusts that were delegated to the Union.
Notwithstanding this imperfect and clumsy organization of their general government, the inhabitants of the United States were, even at that early day essentially the same people. They had the same views of policy, the same general spirit, substantially the same origin,constitution
implies the control of all those interests which distinguish an identified community. If we speak with technical accuracy, the convention of 1787 was assembled for the purpose improving an existing compact, rather than for the purpose of creating one entirely new. But it will simplify our theory, and answer all the desirable purposes of the present object, if we assume that the States entered into the bargain perfectly unencumbered by any preexisting engagements.
* A gross error exists in Europe, on the subject of the mixed character of this people. The whole population of Louisiana. for instance, but a little exceeded 75,000 souls (blacks included,) in 1810. It was ceded to the Union in 1804.
Under this view of the case, each State possessed all the rights of a distinct sovereignty, when it sent its delegates to the convention. There was no power which of necessity belongs to any other government of the world, that each of these States could not of itself exercise, subject always to the restrictions of its own institutions and laws. But then, each State possessed the power of altering its own institutions as it saw fit; it had its own laws, its own tribunals, and it preserved its policy in all things, except that, in point of fact, by the ancient confederation, it was
The constitution of 1787 wrought a vital change in this system. The Americans now became one people in their institutions, as well as in their origin and in their feelings. It is important to remember that the two latter induced the former circumstance, and not the former the latter.
You can readily imagine that the principal point to be decided in a body which had professedly assembled with such intentions, was that of the continuation or annihilation of the State governments. There were not a few in favour of the first policy, though the influence of those who supported the authority of the States happily prevailed. I say happily, since, I think, it can be made plain that the existence of the Union at the present hour, no less than its future continuance, is entirely dependent on the existence of the government of the several States.
In consequence of the policy that prevailed, a species of mixed and complicated government was established, which was before unknown to the world, but which promises to prove that territory may be extended
ad libitum
without materially impairing the strength of a country by its extent. It strikes me, that as the confederation of the United States is the most natural government known, that it is consequently the only empire on whose stability the fullest confidence can be placed. It is a superstructure regularly reared on a solid foundation, and not a tower from which a number of heavy and ill-balanced dependants are suspended. As to the prognostics of its dissolution, they are founded on theories that are getting to be a little obsolete; and the best argument that is urged to prove their truth, after all, is merely the fact that the confederation of the United States has not existed more than the full term of fifty years
In order to effect the material objects of the new confederation, it became necessary that the States should part feeely with their power. The principle was adopted that every thing which was necessary to the general welfare should be yielded to the general government, while the States should, of course, retain all the rest of their authority. But, with a view to give the utmost efficiency to the new system, an executive, courts, and subordinate functionaries were created, who were to act on the people sometimes through, but oftener without, the intermediate agency of the State authorities. As our present business is with the courts, we will confine ourselves to that branch of the subject.
Although the several States preserve the outlines of the judicial institutions which they inherited from their ancestors, there are not, probably, two in the whole confederation whose forms of jurisprudence are precisely the same. There is necessarily a difference in the policy of a large State and the policy of a small one; in that of a large,
new
State and that of a large
old
one; in that of a State without and in that of a State with slaves; in a commercial and in a purely agricultural State; and, in short, in a society which exists under the direct influence of certain interests, and in a society which exists under the influence of certain others. You may trace in this power of accommodating their minute policy to their own particular condition, and, what is probably quite as important, to their own pleasure, one of the great reasons for the durability of the Union.
Had I the necessary knowledge to impart it, you would not possess the patience to read a detailed account of the shades of difference which exist in the jurisprudence of twenty-four separate communities. I shall therefore take the outline of that of New-York, the most populous of the States, and point out its connexion with that of the Union. It will be sufficiently exact to give you an idea of the whole.
The foundation of the laws of New-York, is the common law of England. Some of the provisions of this law, and a few of its principles, have been destroyed by the constitution of the State, which, of course, has substituted the maxims of a republic for those of a monarchy. Statute law has changed, and is daily changing certain other decrees of the common law, which are found to be inapplicable to the peculiar state of this society. I know no better evidence of the boldness and usefulness of reform, as it exists in this country, than is to be found in the early changes they made in the common law. It is now near half a century since they destroyed the right of entail, the trial by battle, the detestable and unnatural law of the half-blood, and a variety of other similar usages that are just beginning to. become obnoxious to European censure. The Americans themselves say that New-York has still a great deal to do, and daily complaints are heard against impediments to justice; which are to be traced to the usages of a comparatively dark age.
* There are people who may find it curious to know, that the advancement of public opinion, and the consequent security of liberty, is making bold inroads on those practices which are known to have given birth to political rights. In the State of Louisiana, and, the writer believes, in one or two others, the use or a jury is dispensed with, in all civil cases, in which it is not demanded by one of the parties. It is said that more than five-sixths of the civil actions are tried by the court. Still the
right of a trial by jury is guarantied by the constitution of the United States.
The lowest tribunal known to the laws, is what is
The State is next subdivided into judicial circuits, For each of these circuits there is one judge. This officer presides at the circuit courts, assisted by the judges of the county; and as the judgments obtained under verdicts in this court are perfected before the supreme court of the State, they have a lien on all property belonging to the party concerned within the bounds of the State. Both of these courts take cognizance of crimes.
The supreme court (of the State of New-York) is composed of three judges. They constitute a court of law, to which appeals are made from the inferior tribunals. The judges do not regularly preside at any of the circuits, though it is within the scope of their powers to do so if they please. * There has been a recent change in the courts of New-York. A few years since there were five judges of the supreme court, and they tried all causes at Nisi Prius, holding the circuits in person. It was found that the business accumulated, and, in order to repair the evil, the circuit judges were appointed; those of the supreme court were reduced in number, and the common duties of the latter were limited to the terms. The better opinion in the State is, that this departure from a practice which has been sanctioned by so many centuries is not successful. A return to the former system is already contemplated, with an increase of the judges, that shall make their whole number equal to the labour they have to undergo.
There is a chancellor who hears and decides in all cases where equity is claimed, and who exercises the usual authority in granting injunctions against the consummation of proceedings at law. In many of the States, the equitable power is lodged in the same courts as the legal, the judges hearing causes on what is termed the equity side. The chancellor of the State is purely a law officer, exercising no other functions, and holding his commission by the same tenures as the judges. In one or two of the States, however, the governor acts as chancellor.
The Senate of the State, (of New-York,) assisted by the chancellor and judges of the Supreme Court, form a tribunal for appeals, and for the correction of errors in the last resort. Their decision is final, unless the defendant should happen to be a foreigner, or a citizen of another State, in which case the cause can be carried into the courts of the United States.
* The plaintiff, being an alien, or a citizen of another State, can do the same thing in the first stages of the suit. But it is impossible to be minute in a work like this; the writer merely aims at giving a general idea of the system of the jurisprudence of the United States.
The jurisdiction of the courts of a State, embraces most of the ordinary interests of life. Nearly all offences against persons and things, whether considered in reference to the protection of the individual, or in
Vol.
II.
The lowest tribunal established by the United States is that of the district courts. The rule is to make each State a district for the trial of causes under the laws of the Union, though some of the larger States are divided into two. Each of these courts has its particular judge, its recording, and its executive officers. The latter are called marshals; they exercise all the ordinary duties of an English sheriff. * Each county has a sheriff under the laws of the State.District Court
is always competent to proceed. If process issues on execution from the courts of the State, it is to the sheriff; but from the United States' courts it is directed to the marshal. The same distinction is observed for the execution of sentences under the respective criminal laws of the two authorities. Thus, it would be possible, as in the cases of an ordinary murder and of piracy, for two convicts to issue from the same gaol, and to go to the same gallows, though the one should be hanged under the orders of a sheriff, and the other under the orders of a marshal. Though
* The United States have, as yet, no gaols. There is such perfect understanding between the two authorities, that the States lend their gaols, court-rooms, &c. to the officers of the United States, though it is probable that, ere long, provision will be made for both. A convict, sentenced to hard labour by a court of the United States, is sent to the Penitentiary of the State where he is convicted, the former defraying any excess of expense over the fruits of his earnings.
Each State also forms a district for the circuit courts of the United States. At the circuit, a judge of the supreme court of the United States presides, assisted by the judge of the district. They hear original cases, and such appeals as, by law, can be brought from the tribunals of the State. It frequently happens, that actions affecting parties residing in different States, are brought in the courts of a particular State, because the property in dispute lies there, and the defendant then carries his appeal to one of the circuit courts of the United States. You will see that, of necessity, the laws of the several States must be known to the judges of these circuits, as a great deal of their power goes no further than to take care that these laws shall not infringe on the rights which are guarantied by the confederation.
The judges of the supreme court of the United States sit once a year, to hear appeals and questions of law. They have all the equity powers which are necessarily incident to justice, there being no chancellor of the United States. Their decisions are final, no appeal lying to any other body of the land. This dignified and powerful tribunal not only decides on the interests of individuals, but on the interests of
The affairs of this immensely important tribunal, have ever been conducted with surprising dignity and moderation. The judges are amenable to public opinion, the severest punishment and the tightest check in a free community, and their corruption can be punished by impeachment. An instance of the latter occurred during high party times, and while the doctrines of Europe were more in fashion than they are at present, but the accused was not found guilty.
The duties of the supreme court are often of a highly delicate nature, but the judges have contrived to create a great degree of reverence for, and of confidence in, their decisions. As the population of the country increases, the number of the judges will be increased to meet its wants.
* It has recently been raised to nine.
You know that steam was first successfully applied to boats in America. The celebrated Fulton obtained a law (in the State of New-York) creating a monopoly of its use in his favour for a term of years. At first, the experiment was deemed so hazardous, that he enjoyed this exclusive right without molestation. But, when the immense profits of the speculation became apparent, men began to question the legality of the monopoly. Boats were built without the consent of the assignees of Fulton. The chancellor of the State of New-York, regarding the act of his own legislature, granted an injunction, prohibiting their use. The parties then joined issue, and the case was carried through the courts of the State, until it reached the Court of Errors, where it was decided in favour of the law of the State. New parties appealed to the circuit court of the United States, as citizens
In respect of mere dignity, the judges of the supreme court of the United States stand foremost over all others. A judge of the district court is, as a rule, perhaps, about equal to a judge of the supreme court of a State, though these parallels are entirely arbitrary. In point of variety of power, the judges of the States have much the most; but, in point of importance, those of the United States are the greatest, since appeals can be made to, but not from, them.
You can easily imagine that numberless questions of jurisdiction between the courts of the confederation and those of the States, still remain to be decided. Although the laws of the United States, when constitutional, are called supreme, yet there are points where the two authorities must of necessity meet. To take a strong case, the life of the citizen is, in most instances, to be protected by the laws of the State; but it is possible to conceive a case in which some of the rights that are fairly enough incidental to the discharge of the powers ceded to the United States, might impair the force of a State law for the protection of the life of its citizen. In such a case reason must decide the limits of the two authorities, as it has had to decide the limits of concurrent authorities elsewhere. It would be folly to say always
O 2
A species of natural law is growing up under this system, that promises to be eminently useful, inasmuch as it is adapted to actual necessity. I am a great venerator of those laws which are enacted by custom, since I entertain the opinion that the stamp of usage is worth a dozen legislative seals, especially in a community where men, being as free as possible, have every opportunity of consulting the useful.
The States have conceded all power to Congress to regulate commerce. Now, Congress has jurisdiction over more than twenty degrees of latitude. It has not, however, yet seen fit to establish quarantine regulations for the numerous ports within its jurisdiction, though it is scarcely possible to imagine any measure which more intimately affects commerce than these laws. But the States do continue to pass quarantine laws, under their natural right to protect the lives of their citizens. Should any State, under this plea, attempt to pass such laws, however, as would operate unjustly towards another State, the court of the United States might then pronounce a decision affecting the question. There is as yet a divided opinion, in theory, on the subject of this
As its institutions get matured by time, the power of the confederation is every day receiving strength. A vast deal of constitutional law, however, remains to be decided; but as new cases arise, the ability to make discreet decisions, grows with experience. Laws are enacted to meet the regulations necessary to the common good, and as the legislators are themselves citizens of the States to be governed, and one body of them (the Senate) are the legal protectors of their corporate rights, there is little fear that the general government will ever reach that point of authority that shall make it weak, by setting it up in opposition to a force that it would vainly strive to subdue. It may appear paradoxical, but the secret of the actual durability of this confederation consists in its apparent weakness. So long as the influence of the several States shall be of sufficient importance to satisfy their jealousy, I think it will endure; and so long as the present representative system shall prevail, there is every motive to believe the States will possess, with a reasonable portion of the power, a share in all the honour, and the profit, and the security of being members of an Union that must shortly stand foremost among the nations of the earth.
The true balance of power, which elsewhere is found to exist in the hands of individuals, exists here in the hands of legislative bodies, who are the direct representatives of those whose interests are controlled by the government,
Washington,—
A great
event has just been decided in this city. The ceremony of the election of a President of the United States, for the four years which shall commence on the fourth day of March next, took place yesterday. The circumstances which led to the peculiar forms of this choice, the characters of the candidates, and the probable result that it will have on the policy of the country, may not be without interest to one who studies mankind as generally as yourself.
The first President, you know, was Washington. He was succeeded by the Vice-President, the elder Adams.
* An absurd story is told by a recent traveller, or a pretended traveller, in the United States, concerning the wish of Mr Adams,
when Vice-President, to have the title of “Highness, and Protector of our Liberties,” given to the President of the United States. It is said he introduced a resolution to that effect in the
Senate. Now, it happens, independently of the gross folly of the title, that the
Vice-President, who is merely a presiding officer, has no right to introduce any law or resolution into the
Senate at all.
You know that the sovereignty of the States is represented by the Senate. Thus, Rhode Island, with 70,000 inhabitants, has two members in the Senate, as well as New-York with 1,700,000. But the members of the lower house, which is the connecting link between the States, are apportioned
For the election of the President, bodies are especially convened that are at other times unknown to the constitution. They are called electoral colleges, of which there are as many as there are States. These colleges are composed of citizens chosen in each State, in such a manner as its own laws may prescribe. They are sometimes elected by the legislatures, sometimes in districts by the people, and sometimes again by the people in what is called a general ticket; that is to say, every citizen votes for the whole of the electors that his State is entitled to choose. The number is determined by the population of the State. The number of Representatives is added to the two Senators, and the amount forms the body of the electors. Thus New-York, having thirty-four Representatives and two Senators, chooses thirty-six electors; while Rhode Island, having but two of each class, is limited to four electors.
Within a certain number of days after their own election, the electors of each State meet at some indicated place, and form the several colleges. The time is fixed at so short a period as to prevent, as much as possible, the danger corruption. There is undoubtedly a preconcert between parties, and an understanding in the way of pledges, but there cannot well be any direct bribery on the part of powerful individuals. Each elector gives one vote for President, and another for Vice-President. As the
In 1801, the contest between Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson had a singular termination. Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, was the candidate for the Vice-Presidency, supported by the friends of the former; and Mr. Burr, of New-York, the candidate supported by the friends of the latter. Adams was the head of what was called the federal party, and Jefferson the head of the democrats. * A singular mistake is prevalent in Europe, concerning the origin and objects of the two great political parties, which, for twenty years, nearly equally divided the people of the United States. It is often asserted, and sometimes believed, that the federalists were the secret friends of a monarchy, and that the democrats were, what their name would imply, the only friends of the people. The gross absurdity of this belief is completely. exposed, by the fact, that a great majority of the people of New-England and of New-York were, for a long time, federalists; and it is difficult to conceive that the mass of communities, so completely republican is practice, should entertain a
secret wish to overthrow institutions which they had been the first to form, and which were so completely confirmed by long habit. Washington was, undoubtedly, a federalist, as, indeed, were a very large proportion of the ancient officers and patriot of the revolution. But this party was more lukewarm in the cause of the French revolution, than the other, and its members were the advocates of a rather stronger government than the democrats. It is also true, that, as some of its leaders acknowledged more of the maxims of the ancient monarchy than their opponents, all those who had a bias in favour of the mother country joined their ranks and served to keep alive an impression which their enemies, of course, industriously circulated, that the party leaned to aristocracy. It was easy to raise this cry, both for the reasons named, and because a large proportion of the men of wealth in the middle and eastern States, were enrolled in its ranks. But there can be no greater absurdity than to suppose, that any party has existed in America, since the revolution, with an intention of destroying, or, indeed, with the intention of seriously modifying, the present form of government. When the constitution was formed, and before all its principles were settled by practice, it was to be expected that men should differ on the subject of the
degree of change that was prudent; but, as early as the year 1800, the federalists and the democrats were, essentially, nothing more than two great parties, struggling for place, and who adopted different politics about as much for the purpose of opposition as for any other reason. This got to be eminently the case a few years later, when the federal party grew desperate in, the minority, and lost sight of character altogether, in the conduct it pursued on the subject of the war with England. Some of the eastern politicians, during that war, believing the moment favourable to a final effort, concerted a plan, by which the whole of the eastern, and some of the middle States were to unite in an attack on the policy of the general government, the result of which was to be the expulsion of the administration. This plan gave rise to the famous Hartford Convention. The opponents of the Hartford Convention accused its founders of a design to divide the Union. It is difficult to say what crude projects may have floated in the heated brains of individuals of that body, but this is a country in which individuals do less than elsewhere, especially in matters of great moment. The New-England States themselves would never have encouraged a scheme so destructive to their own interests; but, had they entertained the wish, it would have been a mad policy without the connivance of New-York, a State that was then, and has been since daily draining them of their population, and which already numbers nearly, if not quite, as many souls as all New-England united. It is well known that the great body, of the federalists of New-York refused to join the convention, even with a view to remonstrate, at the time when the country was engaged single-handed against England. The best evidence of what would have been the fate of an attempt to separate the Union, is to be found in the fact that the people
of New-England themselves treat with great, coldness, the principal members of the Hartford Convention, although most men acquit them of entertaining so mad a scheme. But the federal party was destroyed by the policy it pursued in the war. The Hartford Convention was its dying effort, and its last moments were as impotent as those of any other worn-out nature. The older members of the party sometimes act together, now, from habit and intimacy, but the generation that is just appearing on the stage, already read of the party struggles in which their fathers were engaged as matters of history. There is no such party known in the United States, as a party unfriendly to their institutions, though, doubtless, there are still a few men living who retain some of their ancient attachment for the sort of government under which they were born. It is worthy of remark, that the children of these men are almost always decided democrats, and in many instances, the complete success of the confederative system has overcome the prejudices of old and bigoted tories. It must be remembered, also, that though a majority of the people of Massachusetts, Connecticut, &c. were willing to try the experiment of the Hartford Convention, there were powerful minorities in every State concerned, without counting the influence of all the rest of the Union:
The choice of a President, by the provisions of the constitution, now devolved on Congress. In the event of a referred election, the Senators have no voices, the Representatives of each State in the lower house giving but one vote; so that the final decision is made by the States, and not by the people. In 1810, there were sixteen States in the confederation. By a singular coincidence, two of these States had a tie is themselves; so that they defeated their own votes; and of the remainder, eight gave their votesall
the States. Mr. Jefferson, therefore, required nine votes for success, which was the number necessary to make a majority of sixteen.
The members of Congress voted thirty-five times on this interesting question, and always with the same result. At length, a member or two belonging to the States which had lost their votes by a tie, change their minds, and gave their voices for Jefferson. This decided the matter, and placed that distinguished statesman in the chair for the next four years. At the expiration of the regular period of service, he was re-elected; but, imitating the example of Washington, he retired at the end of his second term.
Until not the Vice-President had been the successor of the President: but although Mr. Burr, having the next greatest number of votes, was necessarily Vice-President for the first of Mr. Jefferson's terms of office, he was superseded at the second election. The constitution had been altered so as to stand as at present, making it necessary to indicate the situation it is intended the candidate shall fill. A veteran of the revolution, but a man past the expectation of further preferment, had been selected to supply the place of Mr. Burr. The friends of the administration now turned their eyes on the Secretary of State, as a successor to the President of the day. This gentleman (Mr. Madison) was elected, and a sort of change in the descent of power was effected. After a service of two terms, Mr. Madison also retired, and the Secretary of the time being (Mr. Monroe) became the successful candidate. The second term of this gentleman's service is now near its close, and he retires too, as a matter of course. You are not to suppose that the constitution prescribes any other limits
Vol.
II.
On the present occasion, an entirely new state of politics presents itself. The old party distinctions of federalists and democrats are broken down, and the country is no longer divided into two great political factions. Mr. Adams, the Secretary of State (and son of the second President,) is considered by a great number of people as the natural and the best successor to Colonel Monroe. When I say natural, you must confine the meaning of the word to a natural expediency, and not to any natural right. His claims consist of a long experience in the politics of the country, great familiarity with foreign diplomacy, and the intimate connexion that he has so long had with the particular measures of the existing administration. He is a man of extensive acquirements, great honesty, and unquestionable patriotism. He is also a northern, or, as it would be expressed here, an east man (coming from New-England;) and hitherto Virginia has given four out of the five Presidents. But the circumstance of birth-place has far less influence than you would suppose in a government like this. It is worthy of remark, that while Europeans are constantly predicting sectional divisions in this country, the people of the country themselves appear to think very little about them. Mr. Adams has both a warm support and a warm opposition in the northern States, it being evident that men follow the bent of their humours or judgments, without thinking much on the question of north and south. It is an important circumstance, which always should be remembered in considering this subject, that though the south has in consequence of its physical inferiority
Mr. Crawford, the Secretary of the Treasury, was another candidate for the Presidency; Mr. Calhoun, the Secretary of War, was a third; Mr. Clay, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, a fourth; and General Jackson, a Senator of Tennessee, was a fifth.
The two first of these gentlemen sit in the cabinet with Mr. Adams, and present the singular spectacle of men united in administering the affairs of the nation, openly and honourably opposed to each other in a matter of the greatest personal interest.
Mr. Crawford was for a long time thought to be the strongest candidate. He is said to have been a man admirably qualified to fill the high station to Which he aspired; but a paralytic attack had greatly weakened his claims, before the meeting of the colleges. His friends, too, had committed a vulgar blunder, which is more likely to be fatal here than in any country I know. They commenced their electioneering campaign by bold assertions of their strength, and the most confident predictions of success. I have heard a hundred men of independence and of influence say that disgust, at having themselves disposed of in this cavalier manner, disinclined them to a cause that they might otherwise have been induced to support. It is the opinion of Cadwallader that Mr. Crawford would not have succeeded, had his health not so unhappily suffered. He was but little known to the northern States, and men of character and talents always choose to have at least the air of judging for themselves. He succeeded, however, in receiving enough votes to include his name among the three highest candidates, and consequently
Mr. Calhoun, who is still a young man, and who probably aimed as much as any thing at getting his name prominently before the nation, to be ready for a future struggle, prudently withdrew from the contest. As he is universally admitted to be a man of high talents, he was put up, in opposition to the celebrated Albert Gallatin, for the Vice-Presidency; and as that gentleman declined the election, Mr. Calhoun was chosen by the colleges nearly unanimously.
Mr. Clay had many warm friends, and was supported by his own State (Kentucky) with great zeal; but he failed in getting his name included on the list of the three highest. He is a self-created man, of unquestionable genius, and of a manner and eloquence that will always render him formidable to his opponents, and of immense value to his political friends. His direct interest in this election, however, ceased, of necessity, with the returns of the colleges.
General Jackson is a gentleman who has long been employed in offices of high trust in his own State, but who only came prominently before the nation during the late war. He is a lawyer by education, and has filled the civil stations of a judge, a member of Congress, and, lastly, of a Senator. In early life he served as a soldier, during the struggle for independence; but he was much too young to be distinguished. As a military man, his merit is unquestionable. He led two or three difficult expeditions against the Indians of the south with great decision and effect, and with an uniformity of success that has been rare indeed against the savages of this continent. In consequence of the skill and energy he displayed on these occasions as a general of militia, he received a commission in the regular army, soon after the declaration of war against Great Britain. Fortunately, he was * Less than three thousand men. As late as the 29th December, General Jackson, in an official letter, states his whole force at three thousand effectives. In the report of the battle of the 8th January, he says, that though a detachment of Kentucky militia had arrived, they added but very little to his force, as most of them were unarmed.
P 2
* The force with which General Jackson defended New-Orleans, according to the official returns, was less than 6000 men, imperfectly armed and organized: and all of whom, with the exception of a few marines and sailors, and two battalions of new levies for the army, in all about one thousand men, were the citizens of the country. It is believed that, sailors and marines included, General Packenham landed nearly ten thousand men. It would be a curious study, to those who had any desire to sift the truth, to examine the documents of England and America in relation to the events of their two wars. The writer must say he has met many Americans who are familiar with the documents of England, but he never yet met one Englishman who was familiar with those of America. Nations lose nothing by looking a little closely into their own affairs, as well as into those of other people. One circumstance first drew the writer into a closer investigation of these subjects, than he might otherwise have been induced to undertake. He will relate it.
It is well known that, in 1814, a bloody battle was fought near the great cataract of Niagara. The American general says, that a brigade of his army met a portion of the British army, and engaged it. That he arrived with reenforcements, the enemy reenforcing at the same time; that he was much annoyed by certain pieces of artillery, stationed on an eminence that formed the key of the English position; that he carried this hill at the point of the bayonet, and captured the artillery; that the enemy made three desperate attempts to regain the position and their guns, in all of which they were defeated, and that they finally relinquished the attempt. He gives his enemy a small superiority of force, and he conveys an implied censure against the officer third in command, (he and his second in command having been obliged to retire, from their wounds,) for not securing the fruits of this victory on the morning succeeding the day of the battle. So much for the American. On the other hand, the English general gives a sufficiently similar account of the commencement of the battle. He also admits the charge up the hill, that “our artillerymen were bayoneted by the enemy in the act of loading;” that “our troops having for a moment been pushed back, some of our guns remained for a few minutes in the enemy's hands;” that they were, however, soon recovered; and that, instead of his making attacks for the recovery of the lost position, the Americans were the assailants; and that they were uniformly defeated in their attempts. He estimates the force of the Americans at nearly double what their official reports state it to have been. Both parties nearly double the (presumed) loss of their enemy and the American, though something nearer to the admission of the Englishman than the Englishman was to the admission of the American, estimated the force of his enemy considerably over the official account.
The writer was struck with these official discrepancies. The documents were uttered to the world under the same forms, in the same language, and by people acknowledging the same moral influences. He was induced to exclaim, Where is the truth of history? The writer knows nothing more of the merits of this question than is contained in the documents he has examined, and which any one may also examine, who has a curiosity equal to his own. The circumstance should, however, teach moderation to partisans, as it abundantly proves that the data on which they found their opinions cannot always be of the most unexceptionable nature.
General Jackson obtained immense popularity in the country by this brilliant success. His political honesty is unquestionable, and patriotism without a blot. Still his want of experience in matters of state, and even his military habits, were strongly urged against him. The former may be a solid objection, but, it is more than absurd, it is wicked to urge the military character of a citizen, who meritoriously leaves his retirement in the hour of danger to carry those qualities which nature has endowed him, into the most perilous, and commonly the least requited service of his country, as an argument against his filling any station whatever. A thousand falsehoods have been circulated at the expense of General Jackson, and even some admitted inequality of temper has been grossly exaggerated. Notwithstanding the industry and affected contempt of the adversaries of this gentleman, he received more of the electoral votes than the highest of the three candidates in the returned list.
The day of the final decision by Congress was one of great interest here. All the candidates were on the spot, in the discharge of their official duties, and large bodies of their friends had assembled to witness, and, if possible, to influence the result. Cadwallader obtained a convenient position, where we both witnessed the whole manner of the election.
Although three names were returned to Congress for the choice, it was universally understood that the selection would be made between Messrs. Adams and Jackson. It would have been indecent in the representatives to prefer Mr. Crawford over two men, both of whom had received nearly double the number of the popular votes that had been given in his favour, though by the constitution they certainly had a right to elect which of the three they pleased. It was thought that the representatives of those States in which the electors had given their votes for this gentleman, would make a single demonstration in his favour, and then give their voices for one or the other of the two candidates, who, it was well known, must eventually succeed.
The gallery of the hall of Congress was crowded nearly to suffocation. The Senators were present as a sort of legal witnesses of the election, and many men of high political consideration were in the lobbies and behind the desks. In short, every one was there who could gain admission by art or influence. The arrangements for this important proceeding were exceedingly unpretending, though remarkably imposing by their simplicity, and that air of grave composure which usually reigns over all the legislative proceedings of this country.
The members of the different States were now seated together, since they composed so many separate colleges which, on this momentous question, were to pronounce the voices of their particular communities. Here, sat the numerous and grave-looking representation
At the appointed hour, the States began to collect the voices among themselves. The members voted by ballot, having established for that purpose, a set of simple forms by which the votes were collected and reported to tellers appointed to receive them by the house. Fraud was impossible, since each college knew the precise number of its votes, and each individual deposited his ballot with his own hand. The duty was soon performed by the smaller States, and a moment of breathless suspense succeeded while the representatives of New-York were collecting their votes. The friends of Mr. Adams had counted on twelve States with great confidence, but the number and the peculiar policy of the members from New-York had rendered their vote more doubtful. The result was, however, soon known on the floor of the house, as was quite apparent by the look of suppressed triumph that was playing about the eyes of certain partisans, and the air of forced composure that was assumed by their adversaries.
The result was communicated to the Speaker, (who had himself been a candidate before the electoral colleges,) and then it was officially announced “that
thirteen
States had given their votes for John Quincy Adams, for President of the United States
* Thirteen States being a majority of the twenty-four which how compose the Union, were necessary to a choice.
While the sweet, clear, voice of Mr. Clay was announcing this important news, I never witnessed a more intense silence in any assembly. The stillness continued a moment after his words had ceased, and then followed the low hum of whispers, and immediately after, a half involuntary and feeble clapping of hands was heard in the galleries. This little burst of exultation on the part of some indiscreet spectators, gave me an opportunity of witnessing the manner in which the American legislators maintain order and assert their dignity. “Sergeant-at-arms, clear the galleries!” commanded the Speaker, in a voice, that of itself hushed the slightest sound of approbation. The officers of the house instantly performed their duty, and in a few moments those spacious and commodious seats which were so lately teeming with conscious human countenances, presented nothing to the eye but its magnificent colonnade and long rows of empty benches.
The house soon adjourned, and every body quitted the Capitol, some filled with joy they could ill suppress, and others evidently struggling to conceal the defeat of expectations which had probably been more fed by hope than reason. The important question was, however, irretrievably decided by a first vote, notwithstanding hundreds had anticipated that a struggle similar to that of 1801 was about to occur again.
The election bad been conducted with great heat, especially in the public prints, and so much seeming violence of denunciation had been used during the discussion, that I confess I was induced to look about me, as we quitted the edifice, in quest of the legions that were to tame so many unquiet spirits, and to
During the preceding week, more than one foreign functionary had whispered in my ear something that implied a sneer on the folly of periodically throwing society so near the verge of dissolution, by enlisting the passions of the community in a question that embraced so many important interests as these frequent elections; and one of them had intimated an expectation that, in the event of his failure, there would be a rising in favour of a military hero, who was not accustomed to defeat. I remembered the reply of my quiet yeoman in the stage-coach, and did not certainly carry my expectations quite so far; but still it was inconceivable that passions which had been so strongly excited, should subside without at least some of the usual indications of a disappointed resentment.
While descending Capitol hill, we met a warm partisan of the unsuccessful candidate, who was known to us both. “Well,—,” said Cadwallader, “what do you intend to do now? Your man has, beyond all hopes, lost the day.” “We shall change the face of things four years hence,” was the answer. The reply was given in the tone of one who seemed conscious that he and his friends had been mistaken in their force, but who, at the same time, felt that legal means of obtaining a triumph were always before him. I must acknowledge, when I found that one of the most violent partisans I had ever met, was for deferring his schemes of revenge to a day so distant as four years, and that he even then contemplated to effect his object by means of the ballot-box,
* The writer had an excellent opportunity of witnessing the effect of the American institutions, shortly after the event above described, while on a visit to the city of Philadelphia. A foreigner, who conducted a paper in that city, was so profoundly ignorant of the people among whom he lived, as to invite a meeting of the citizens of Pennsylvania, in order to provide the means of marching to Washington to put down Mr. Adams, who, it was affirmed, had been elected by means of corruption. Curiosity drew thousands of spectators to the appointed spot, in order to see what would be done at such a meeting. No officers appeared to oppose it, and yet the affair ended in the utter disdain of the whole community. The miserable intruder on the peaceful habits and common sense of the Americans was too much despised to be punished for his impudence, though he could not escape contempt and ridicule.
The result of this election, and the sudden calm that succeeded to so much apparent warmth, have again led me to reflect on the vague and imperfect impressions which we get in Europe, of the actual political condition of America. During the war of 1812, one saw monthly accounts, in the journals of England, that this, or that, State of the confederation was on the verge of a separation from the Union, and that distress had driven men to madness and all sorts of political desperation. If these accounts were published in good faith, they imply an inconceivable ignorance of the actual state of the country; for, unless the opinions of intelligent men of all parties grossly deceive me, there never has been one hours since the adoption of the present constitution, when probably one thousand
natives
of the whole United States have seriously contemplated any such event as likely to be near. If the paragraphs to which I allude, were
* What are all the changes that have occurred in so many kingdoms on the continent of Europe, but approaches to the Americans system? It is certainly the fashion, and for obvious reasons, to look to England as a model for the new constitutions, but what is England herself about? The American would say, that the recent repeal or alteration of the Test Act, the state of the Catholic question, the disfranchisement of rotten boroughs, the improvement of the common law, and, in short, the whole plan of rational reform which now pervades England, rests on principles, that rather than abandon, his ancestors preferred to emigrate. When a man states this undeniable truth, with a view to exult in the superior penetration of his own people, he should be reminded how very far the most faultless are from perfection in any thing; but when an European insolently and ignorantly assumes that the United States are existing in a state of political insecurity, every day and every hour, the citizen of the latter country has a natural right to throw these stubborn facts into the teeth of such supercilious commentators.
I have conversed freely on this matter with my friend Cadwallader, I cannot say that he discusses the subject with particular gravity; but on of his remarks struck me as possessing singular force. “How is it,” he said, “that you, or any stranger who enters our country, can and does freely discuss the danger of a dissolution of our confederacy, or the probability that we shall one day become a monarchy, and that, too, without giving offence or finding any difficulty in meeting with disputants? or how is it that an American never goes into an European country, Switzerland,
Vol. II
The evening of the day of the election was one of those on which Mrs. Monroe opens the doors of the White House to the motley assemblage I have already described. Great curiosity was felt by every one to be present, because it was known that the principal personages, who had been so recently exerting themselves in the question which was just decided, were in the habit of paying their respects, on these occasions, to the wife of the first magistrate. We went at ten.
Perhaps the company on this evening was a little
“How do you do, General Jackson?” said Cadwallader, as we passed out of one drawing-room into another. The unsuccessful candidate returned the greeting with his usually mild and graceful mien. I watched his manly and marked features narrowly, during the courteous dialogue that followed; but, with all my suspicions, it was impossible to trace the slightest symptoms of a lurking disappointment. He left us laughing and conversing cheerfully with some ladies, who induced him to join their party. A minute before, he had been seen congratulating his successful
We now entered the last apartment of the suite, with the hope of finding a cooler atmosphere. A group of men, among whom perhaps a dozen women were intermingled, had collected about some object of common interests. Drawing near, I caught a glimpse of the cold air which in contrast to an uncommonly fine and piercing eye, forms so remarkable an expression in the countenance of Mr. Adams. He was certainly in good spirits; though, had we not known his recent victory, it is probable that his manner would not have been at all remarked. He soon extricated himself from the crowd, and spoke to two or three of us who stood together. “Why have you not been to see us lately?” he inquired of a member of Congress, from Virginia; “Mrs. Adams complains that you were not at her last evening.” “I have been there so often this winter, that I began to think it necessary to be absent for the sake of form?” “Is that the etiquette?” “We must ask this question of you;” returned the Virginian; laughing, in allusion to the Secretary's a well-known strictures on the subject; “you
are
our authority in all matters of etiquette.” “Well then,” returned the President elect, with great good humour, and with the tact of a courtier; “I pronounce it to be always etiquette for Mr. — to visit Mrs, Adams.”
* Mr. Adams and General Jackson are again candidates for the presidency. As the contest is as yet confined to these two, and it is so shortly to be decided (in December of 1828,) it is probable that one of them will be chosen. What the writer now states, he says understandingly. A good deal is certainly said concerning the inexperience of General Jackson, and some press the circumstance of his chief merit being military as a reason against him. There is not a man in the Union who; however, seriously apprehends any danger from his election. It is false that he is not supported by wary and prudent men. The writer can name a hundred gentlemen in the middle States of education, of fortune; and of religion; too, who are his warm friends. The question one altogether one of men, there being scarcely a measure of policy that is likely to be much affected by the result. A great deal of the popularity of General Jackson is owing to a injudicious and presuming opposition, which has foolishly ascribed a danger to his success, that is as false, as his friends are determined to manifest it is ridiculous. But men may well hesitate about rejecting so tried a patriot, and so experienced a statesman, as Mr. Adams.
Washington,—
Yesterday,
while walking with Cadwallader on the banks of the Potomac, we saw a group of gentlemen, in the midst of whom we distinguished the animated features of La Fayette, moving towards a steam-boat that was waiting their arrival. A moment of explanation induced us to join the party, which was about to visit the tomb Washington.
Mount Vernon, an estate which the hero inherited from an elder brother, lies on the river at the distance of about two hours' sailing towards the sea. The boat was rather more crowded than was desirable for such a visit; but the circumstances left us no choice. We passed the little city of Alexandria on our route, and reached the point of destination within a reasonable time of our departure.
The estate of Mount Vernon was left by the will of its late possessor to his nephew, Mr. Bushord Washington, who has long been one of the assistant justices of the supreme court of the United States. The country, immediately about the dwelling, is much wooded; the land being neither particularly level, nor yet very uneven. The house stands on a rather
Q 2
The house of Mount Vernon is constructed of a frame-work, whose interstices, I am informed, are filled with bricks. The exterior covering is of planks, concealed in such a manner as to give it, at a little distance, the appearance of being made of hewn stone. The interior finish is like that of any other better sort of mansion. The length of the whole edifice cannot greatly exceed one hundred feet; and I should think that, in depth, it is something less than fifty. There are, however, two semicircular chains of offices, which project from each of its ends towards the rear, something in the form of sweeping galleries. These additions serve to give the, building much more of an air of size from the side of the gardens than from that of the river. Towards the east (the river front) there is a colonnade which supports a roof that is continued from the main edifice. Though the pillars are very simple, the effect of a colonnade, so lofty and so long, is rather striking; and, on the whole, it leaves an impression that the house was one not altogether unworthy of its simple but illustrious possessor.
The interior of the building is exceedingly irregular, though far from inconvenient. I had full leisure for its examination, while a solemn scene was taking place at the tomb. La Fayette had been permitted to go to this sacred spot, unattended by any except the immediate members of the two families. I was permitted,
There was but one considerable apartment in the dwelling. This was a drawing-room that occupied the whole width of the house, with a proper proportion of its length. The rest of the rooms were small, and of arrangements to prove that they were constructed before the master of the mansion was in the habit of receiving more guests than fell to the share of a private gentleman. Most of the furniture was of the time of the hero. It was exceedingly simple, though I thought it quite good enough, in fashion and in form, for a country residence. The principal drawing-room had more the air of a reception-room than the others, which were altogether in a quiet, comfortable, and domestic taste. There was a library, that is rather large for America, but which, in Europe, would be thought very small for the habitation of a man of any eminence.
I looked on all these things with a deep and increasing emotion. The house, at the moment, with the exception of Cadwallader and myself, and a domestic who showed us through the rooms, was entirely empty. More than once, as my hand touched a lock to open some door, I felt the blood stealing up my arm, as the sudden conviction flashed on my mind that the member rested on a place where the hand of Washington had probably been laid a thousand times. That indescribable, but natural and deeply grateful, feeling beset me, which we all are made to know when the image of a fellow-mortal, who has left a mighty name on earth, is conjured before us by the imagination in the nearest approaches to reality that death, and time, and place, and the whisperings of an excited fancy, will allow. There was a sort of secret desire, rather than an expectation, of finding something more than what reason told me to expect; and
We were shown into the gardens and green-houses. In the latter, the domestic culled us a bouquet of hot-house flowers; and, turning to a box which lay at hand, he took a sheet of paper, and, enveloping their stems, presented them to my friend. Cadwallader received them thoughtfully; but his mind was too much occupied at the moment to attend to so trifling an occurrence. We had returned to the city, and were at our late dinner, when his eye seemed riveted, by some charm, on the paper that encircled this little offering. Scattering the flowers on every side of him, he laid the paper on the table, and read its contents with breathless eagerness. It proved to be a sheet torn from a farming journal of the modern Cincinnatus, which had been kept in his own hand. The writing was distinct, though there were many technical abbreviations: the pages were without blot or erasure, and the precision of the language
When we left the green-house, we were joined by the party of the veteran Frenchman. We had parted at the margin of the water, and each of us had found subjects for reflection that were alike pleasing and painful. Just before we separated, there had been a little hesitation in the choice of the path that led to the mansion. “Let me show you the way,” cried M. George La Fayette, eagerly, but with evident emotion: “I know all the paths of Mount Vernon.” Twenty-five years before, during the exile of his natural parent, he had been intrusted to Washington, as to a second father, and he now rushed forward, full of his recollections, to point out route that time and momentous scenes in another hemisphere, had not blotted from his memory. I shall not attempt to describe what passed at the vault during the visit of La Fayette. He was powerfully affected, and the recess of the dead was opened to his admission, When he joined us, it was evident that his feelings had been wrought up to a high and painful point; and I thought his eye wandered over the familiar objects of the dwelling, as if every thing keenly reminded him that he who gave them life and interest, had passed away from the moving scenes of the earth into the solemn quiet of the place he had just quitted. We took the occasion of his absence from the spot, to go ourselves to the tomb. As Cadwallader knew the way, I had no other companion.
The family vault of Mount Vernon stands near the brow of the declivity, at a little distance from the mansion, and at the point where the ground begins to fall away to the south. It is as plain and simple as can be well imagined. The excavation in the earth is neither large nor deep, and the small portion
I have stood by the side of many a boasted and admired tomb; but by none with the awe and reverence with which I gazed on this. The dark days of the revolution, the gloom and difficulties which threatened the first hours of the present government, the cheerful and prosperous scenes through which I had so recently passed, crowded on my memory, and produced a teeming picture in which the most prominent object was the form of the man whose ashes were mouldering beneath my feet.
I have ever been an ardent, and were there not so much reason to support me, I might say an enthusiastic admirer of Washington. His character, unlike that of the heroes of other days, is most illustrious when seen at the nearest approach. Those who lived the closest to his person, and who possessed the best opportunity of studying his moral qualities, are touched with the deepest reverence for his virtues. The narrative of his private deeds is the counterpart of the history of his public acts. They were alike founded on the immutable principles of justice and truth. Men already regard him with the admiration with which they gaze at a severe statue of antiquity. He stands, naked of meretricious ornament, but grand in the majesty of reason.
Some, who know little of the history of the man, or of his nation, confound the images of his renown, by blending his merit with deeds that it was the fortune of no one to perform in America. This was not the country of Alexanders and Napoleons.
The useful career of Washington commenced at
The sword of Washington did not leap from its scabbard with the eagerness of military pride, or with the unbridled haste of one willing to make human life the sacrifice of an unhallowed ambition. It was deliberately drawn at the call of his country, but with a reluctance that came from the heart, and with a difference that acknowledge the undisputed dominion of his God. He went forth to battle with the meekness of a mortal, the humanity of a Christian, the devotedness of a patriot, and the resolution
It is the common fate of heroes to suffer by intimacy; but the private life of Washington was as beautiful, as his public was glorious. The latter was no more than an expansion of those principles which controlled the former. The same sternness of integrity, the same simplicity of purpose, could always be traced in that familiar conduct in which most men fail. It is a fact worthy of remark, that his most confidential correspondence is still in existence, inviting scrutiny, and challenging comment. There was a time when reverses and calumny, and weariness
The character of Washington was Doric, in all its proportions. Its beauty is the beauty of harmony between purpose and means, and its grandeur is owing to its simplicity. like the order of architecture to which I have ventured to ascribe a resemblance, it is not liable to the details of criticism. you seen it in its majesty of outline, in its durability, and in its admirable adaptation to usefulness; but it rests on a foundation too firm, and it upholds a superstructure too severe to be familiarly dissected. His fame already resembles that which centuries have produced for other men, while it owes no portion of its purity to the midst of time, The truth will
Vol.
II
The age has been prolific of character, and it should be prolific in the lessons it conveys. I think a mighty moral is taught by the careers of Washington and Napoleon. A parallel between these eminent men is impossible; but a comparison is easy indeed. To say that the former lived for others, and the latter solely for himself, is to say no more than what most men see, and feel, and acknowledge. To endeavour to magnify the exploits of the latter, by putting them in contrast with those of the former, would be unique, since accident and not merit was at the bottom of this distinction. It should, however, never be forgotten, that the first achieved all he aimed at, which was all that man should do; and that the last failed, from an incompetency of estimating his own powers. The error of the latter is the more unpardonable, since, to gross want of judgment, must be aided unworthiness of purpose; nor is it in any degree lessened by the circumstance that he sinned in the presence of so bright and so glorious an example. If there be any so weak as to believe the asseverations of Napoleon, that he fought for aught but self, let them try his patriotism by the same test as that of Washington. It is true that, in mere extent of achievement, the hero of France vastly out-stripped the patriot of America; but the latter not only wanted a theatre for his actions, but he was often deficient in means. Merit is of a nature too comparative to be rashly reduced to results; but strip these men of their accidental and adventitious advantages, and regard them steadily. The military career of Napoleon was run in the current of prosperity, while that of Washington was a constant, but manly struggle, against a combination of the most adverse circumstances. In addition to this important fact,
They who believe that America would not have been free without Washington, neither understand the part he acted, nor the people who intrusted him with power. The war of 1776 was purely a war of principle. Remonstrance and petition had been exhausted, and no duty of forbearance was neglected. All that justice, and temper, and mercy required, had been done before the sword was drawn at all. When it was determined to resist, it became necessary to choose a leader worthy of a cause so righteous; one who would give dignity to the quarrel in the eyes of nations; who would secure confidence at home and who could command respect from those who were bent on submission to their will. These difficult duties did Washington perform, in a manner to exceed the hopes of the most sanguine. His enemies never dared to assail his integrity. No man was ever sufficiently hardy to affect to distrust his motives. While he wielded a power little short of that of a dictator, and wielded it firmly and with steadiness, the governed never knew uneasiness. So far from aiming at an unjust purpose, he checked, not with Roman severity, but with the directness and simplicity of an honest man, the least approach to that disorder or disaffection in his troops, which, if any thing could do it in a country like this, would have affected the views of a personal ambition. On all occasions, he steadily regarded duty, and disregarded self. Nor were opportunities wanting, of which a man less pure might be tempted to profit. The discontent
It is cheering to virtue to know how lasting and more certain are its rewards, than the temporary and doubtful fame which attends the mere conqueror. In what but the accidental attributes of a more advanced state of civilization, does Napoleon materially differ from Jenghis Khan? His contemporaries are already treating him with severity; and, before another age is passed, and passion and personal antipathies shall have ceased, his career will lose one-half of its lustre by the active agency of truth. How different has been the lot of Washington! He has not yet been in his tomb for half the life of man, and the world have already placed him at the side of the brightest names of antiquity. The young and the restless, and the weak of mind, may still find matter of applause in the career of Napoleon; but it is the thoughtful, the good, and the experienced, who see
Until I stood by the side of the grave of this illustrious man, I had never ceased to reproach his country with neglect, in not having reared a monument of marble to his memory. But as I lingered, for near an hour, about the humble vault which holds his remains, it was impossible not to feel how much stronger is the impression left by character, in a place where no accessories of art exist to distract its musings. If I were an American, it would be the wish nearest to my heart to see the estate of Mount Vernon pass into the keeping of the nation, in order that it might be preserved, as nearly as possible, in its present condition. The vault should be kept in the touching and peaceful quiet in which it is now seen; and when foreigners ask for the monument of their hero, let them be referred, with pride, to that liberty, and to those institutions which grew on the confidence of the world, under his wise and patriotic guidance. If there be a name in the records of history that can afford to stand before the eyes of criticism devoid of artificial aid, it is that of the man who now sleeps beneath a few cedars, and within mouldering walls of brick, on the banks of the Potomac.
Philadelphia,—
Congress
necessarily rose on the night of the 4th of March. You must have learned from my previous letters, that a Congress lasts but two years, commencing on the 4th of March of one year, and terminating on the 3d of March of the year one following. Of course it would be necessary to convene the new members, in order to proceed in legislation after the prescribed period. This can be, and has been, done, in times of need, but the usual practice is to let the bodies separate, at the end of what is called the “short session.” The terms of short and long session are easily explained. The constitution requires that Congress should assemble on the first Monday in December of each year, unless it has adjourned to a different period, or is expressly by a call from the President. On the first year of the service of the members, it is plain they may as long as they please; but on the second, their term of service expires on the 3d of March. As one-third of the Senators, and perhaps about the same number of the Representatives, usually retire two years, it would be necessary to summon those who supply their places, should the public require an immediate continuation of the legislative duties. The Senate sometimes sits a day or two after the lower house has adjourned, in order to attend to what is called executive business (the approval of nominations to office.) The practice is, I believe, uniform, at the end of a presidential term, in order to give the new incumbent an opportunity to name his cabinet. In
Late on the evening of the 3d of March, Congress rose; but, in point of fact, the change of executive power was not made until the President elect took the oath of office. This ceremony took place about noon of the following day. In 1801, when Mr. Adams, the elder, went out of office, he made sundry nominations which were confirmed by the old Senators on the evening of the 3d of March. Mr. Jefferson, his successor, refused to, ratify these appointments. He took the ground that, as President, he had the power to appoint to office, the Senate only possessing, in effect, a veto. Now, the new functionaries had not received their commissions, and no one could, constitutionally, sign them but the actual President; this, the actual, President refused to do, and of course there were no appointments, since it is by no means incumbent on the President to appoint an officer, even after the Senate has approved of his name, the power of the latter going no farther than their negative. It could be of no moment, except in the appointment of a judge, whether the President appointed these officers or not, since, in all other cases, he possesses the power of removal, the commissions invariably running—“ this commission to continue in force during the pleasure of the President of the United States for the time being.”
The President absolutely appoints certain inferior officers of the government, such as midshipmen, masters, gunners, &c. &c., in the navy, and all the cadet's that enter the army; but, in point of fact, a great deal of republican equality is observed in the distribution of even these small favours. The plan is to give to each State officers in proportion to its representatives; still the absolute selection is with the President. All the postmasters in the country, who are,shall
be nominated to the Senate. It then goes on to say, that all others must be similarly appointed, unless Congress, by law, shall see fit to trust the power in the President, or in the heads of departments. As yet, Congress has seen fit to do both; but should the trusts be abused, it always possesses the power to repeal its own enactments.
A great deal is said in Europe concerning the economy of this government. It is the subject of much ridicule, and of high praise, on our side of the Atlantic. In order to form a just opinion on the subject, it is necessary to ascertain some of the leading facts.
You will always remember, that as there exists a double form of government, there are double sets of officers to be paid. This circumstance, however, does not add in any great degree to the expense, since no duty is performed twice. The President of the United States receives a salary of twenty-five thousand dollars a year. This sum can neither be increased nor diminished during his term of service. He is also supplied with a furnished house. On this salary the President can live like a gentleman who receives a good deal of company, and it is thought he may even lay by a reasonable excess yearly. Perhaps, considering the nature of the government, the income is about what it should be. The heads of departments receive six thousand dollars each, and
The whole of the civil, diplomatic, and miscellaneous expenses of this government, for the year 1826, were 2,600,177 dollars. This is, however, exclusive of the cost of the State governments, and the cost of collecting the revenue. The latter is about 750,000 dollars. The military expenditure was 6,243,236 dollars. But the greater part of this sum was for the erection of fortifications, for ordnance, arming the militia, Indian department, and pensions of soldiers of the revolution, &c. The actual cost of the army, pay, subsistence and clothing included, was about 2,000,000 of dollars. That so extensive a country can protect itself at so cheap a rate, is in some
* A soldier enlists for five years. He receives the following articles of clothing during that period, viz. five uniform coats; three cotton jackets with sleeves; three woollen ditto ditto; ten pairs of gray woollen overalls; ten pairs of drilling ditto; three fatigue frocks; five trowsers; ten pairs of laced boots; ten ditto shoes; ten flannel shirts: ten cotton ditto; ten pairs of stockings; ten ditto socks; two leathern stocks; one great coat; three blankets; five pairs of wings; four pompons; two cockades and eagles; four bands and tassels; one leathern cap-cover, plate, scales and ball; one forage-cap, and ten pairs of flannel drawers.
The navy of the United States, for the same year (1826) cost 4,218,902 dollars. But this sum is also liable to a great deal of explanation. The United States, to be in readiness to meet any emergency, maintain a corps of about 950 officers. Their present policy is to foster this corps, and consequently no one member of it is put on half-pay, except at his own desire. The pay and subsistence of the officers, and the pay of the men, actually afloat (rather more than 5,000 in all,) somewhat exceeds a million of dollars. In this number, too, about one-tenth are quarter-deck officers. Much of the money is for the expenses of navy-yards, and the ordinary. About 300,000 dollars are for the provisions of the men. The rest is for the increase of the navy, arrearages, and for the support of the marine corps, of whom
* In the January number (LXXIII.) of the Quarterly Review, there is an article on the United States of America. The reviewer speaks boldly of the American navy, for he professes to treat of a work written by an English naval officer, who, in his turn, had also written a little decidedly on the same subject. In a note attached to the end of this volume, the writer has endeavoured to show in what points his information differs from that of both reviewer and reviewed, in respect to this important branch of the American policy. His present object is, however, confined to expenditure. In page 279 of the said Review, is the following sentence. “With this small number of men” (4,268,) “the establishments of the dock-yards on a very limited scale, and the civil branches of the service, a mere trifle, the sum expanded for the naval department in 1826, was 4,222,952 dollars, or close upon one million sterling. In the printed report of the secretary of the treasury, now before the writer, Letter F. page 39, is a minute statement of the expenditure of the naval establishment for the year 1826. The gross amount is 4,218,902 dollars, 45 cents. From this Report the following items are extracted: “Repairs of vessels, 485,970; ship-houses, 44,296; gradual increase of the navy, 793,704 ten sloops of war, 506,163; prohibition of slave trade, 22,220; pay and subsistence of marine corps (which is not included in the before mentioned number of men) 219,686:” and no less a sum than 294,380 for improvements and additions to navy-yards, besides a number of small miscellaneous items, that make together about 110,000 more. The figures are all meant to represent dollars, and together they make 2,576,419, or something more than one-half the sum that the reviewer has taken for premises by which he wishes to show that the Americans maintain a small force at an enormous expense.
Not one of the items here enumerated, properly belongs to the expense of the small number of men, the civil branches of the service, or the establishments of the dock-yard, unless additions and improvements to the latter can be thus considered. Independently of all this, the balance not only supports the service afloat, &c. &c. but it keeps
all the officers of the navy (with perhaps a dozen voluntary exceptions) on
full pay. The writer here leaves the matter between the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, and the contributor to the Quarterly Review.—See Note A. end of the volume.
All the appointments of a captain of the navy, in command of a shore station, are worth something less than four thousand dollars a year, exclusive of a house. When in command of a vessel, his pay is considerably less. There is a difference made in the case of a vessel of a very small size, though the commander of a 44 receives as much as the commander of a 74. But the pay of both the army and navy should not be considered as permanently established, especially of the latter service, which is just beginning to receive, in all its branches, that grave attention that its vital importance to the security and dignity of the nation demands.
You will perceive that, as a rule, the inferior agents of the American government are better paid than the same description of individuals in the employment of almost any other nation, while the higher officers receive less.
* The expenditure for the year 1828, is estimated as follows: the result rarely differing materially from these calculations. Civil, diplomatic, and miscellaneous 1,828,385 dollars; military service, including fortifications, ordnance, Indian department, provisions, arming of militia, &c. 4,332,091 dollars; naval service, including the gradual increase of the navy, 3,788,349 dollars, making a total for the regular expenses of the government, including sums previously voted for erecting forts and building ships, of 9,947,125 dollars. The interest of the debt is not contained in this amount.
The positive annual expenses of the American government are not far from 13,000,000 dollars. Of this sum, rather more than three millions and a half are for the interest of the national debt. But the odd half million is met by the dividends of bank stock, for the purchase of which several millions of the
Vol.
II
The clear revenue of the United States, from the customs alone, is now (1828) about 20,000,000 of dollars. As this source of receipts produces in itself a great excess over all the outgoings, there are no direct impositions laid by the general government. The debt is in the course of rapid extinguishment, and as the interest is annually diminished, the ability of the country to increase its expenditure is of course increased. Notwithstanding this prosperous state of the public purse, the most rigid economy is observed; a circumstance that it is idle to say is produced by any other cause than the direct agency of the people on the administration.
Thus far we have not touched on the salaries of
The only reply that the enemies of America (and they are all the enemies of liberty) can urge, when her example is pointed to in support of the doctrine of economy, is founded on the fact of the double form of its government, and the additional expense that is consequently incurred. I know of but two ways in which we can arrive sufficiently near the truth to ascertain whether this additional cost raises the expenses of the American to the level of those of the European or not. The one (and is it not infallible?) is to compare the amount of contributions paid by the parties; and the other is to attempt to reach the cost of governing some particular portion of the confederacy, and then to make the necessary comparisons between it and some equal community in our hemisphere. We will endeavour to do both.
The State of New-York contains one-seventh of the entire population of the Union. One-seventh of 2,600,177 dollars, the whole amount of the “civil, diplomatic, and
miscellaneous
expenses” of the general government for the year (1826) is 371,453. This dividend includes more than one million of miscellaneous expenditure, such as “light-houses,” “stock inall
the more general advantages of government, for the sum of less than half a dollar a head annually. If you divide the military and naval expenses of the United States by seven, you have the entire pecuniary charge that they defray, not only for the current expenses, but for the material provisions they are making for future defence.improvements
, and even a great portion of the latter is thus defrayed, in the salaries of the
employés.
* It should be remembered that all the expenses of the general government (in time of peace are paid by the importation duties.
Of incidental expenses the American pays less, considering his means, than the inhabitant of any other nation. Their city corporations, with the exception of one or two, are cheap, and little or no money is expended in mere show. There are no church establishments, and the religious contributions are therefore voluntary. Still the clergy are supported. There are various manners of doing this, as you may suppose, in a country so diversified in condition. In many of the old congregations, there are endowments which have grown in value with the growth of the country, and which now serve to relieve the people of a large portion of the expense. A farm bought for that purpose, and a house erected when land and materials were cheap, become valuable and useful in time. There is a common practice ofwhole
tax paid on a farm valued at 5,000 dollars in one of the older counties of New-York, was five dollars. This included every charge for that year, though the assessment is subject to variations, being sometimes more and sometimes less. As the United States, in point of fact, imposes no taxes in time of peace, this charge was all the owner of this farm had to pay (as such) for the entire protection of government. It is true be contributed something in the way of duties on imported goods, but that is a contribution that depended entirely on his personal expenditure. The impositions of the general government are, as you already know, commonly much lighter than those laid in other commercial nations.
In order to make a correct estimate, however, of the comparative rate of the taxes paid by the American, it is necessary to consider the value of what he receives. He is required to pay for improvements in the country, which produce a direct influence on the increasing value of his property. The income and the price of his farm keep equal pace with the growth of the settlement in which he lives. He enjoys
S 2
* This imposition is laid according, to the property of the individual. A commutation in money at a very reduced rate is allowed, but it is impossible to give its amount, since it is an assessment that diminishes with the improvement of the country.
As a whole, the public impositions in America including taxes, duties, labour, militia service, clergy, and every thing else, are exceedingly light. But it is absolutely impossible to give any particular example which shall not be liable to so much exception as to destroy it as a rule. So much of the contribution is returned in the way of improvements which affect the value of the property taxed, that, had I all the statements in my head, I do not know that I could give you a clear idea of their relative amount. All those local impositions which exist in other countries, as octrois, &c. &c. are utterly unknown here.
I have heard it imputed to America as a fault, that her system leads to the loss of time and money in excessive litigation. It is said that there are more suits at law here, than among any similar number of people in the known world. Although I cannot pretend to say that the fact is so, I should be surprised to learn that it was otherwise.
The whole territory of the United States covers 2,000,000 of square miles. It is true that the title to more than half of this immense surface still exists in the government, where a vast deal of it will probably continue for ages. But, in order to bring our
The United States are, again, a more commercial nation, compared with their population, than any other in the world. Among such a people legal disputes must, of necessity, arise. Justice is comparatively cheap, and easy of access. Men have confidence in her decrees; and and the fear of power, influence, and corruption, is unknown. In such circumstances, wrong-headed persons, who are ever apt to fancy themselves in the right, make their appeals to the tribunals boldly. I do not believe that the system of the United States encourages litigation, except as it brings all men before the court on terms not of nominal, but of a true equality. Still I can believe, that the great number of low practitioners of the law who are scattered up and down the country, do induce men to enter rashly into legal contests.cÆteris paribus
, than in those that are more new. The same is true of the proportion of taxes, as compared to the value of property. I am of opinion that, were it not for the great number of country lawyers in America, it would be found that litigation is less resorted to than in many other countries, notwithstanding the unavoidable causes of contention which exist in a new country. The number of the lawyers is undeniably an evil; but, besides being an evil which is likely to correct itself, and which is already beginning to correct itself, it is one that is not without its advantages. They serve to keep alive an active knowledge of their rights among the people; and although much abused as pettifoggers, they make, in common, exceedingly useful and intelligent local legislators.
There is a great fashion of decrying men of moderate acquirements in all things, as if life were not more a matter of experience than of theories. It is much easier to assume than to prove, that a set of profound thinkers would legislate better for a community than a set of active and half-educated men, who are familiar with the practices of the world. All the common passions of man are as well, and perhaps better known to the latter than to the former, and after legislation has provided against the dangers that are coincident to their existence, one must seek the rest of its duties in the world and not in books. But what says experience? It would be difficult to find any one country on earth in which the laws are better adapted to promote the true interests of the community, than in the most, I am not sure I could not say the least, favoured of the States of this republic. And yet legislation is the business of practical men altogether. At all events, they have contrived to obtain quiet and security at a cheaper rate
It is a rule whihc applies to all salaries in this country, that little or no allowances are made for the support of mere dignity. The dignity of government is supposed to rest in the people themselves; and among their other provisions for its suppor, they have taken care to retain most of the money. The President receives a larger sum certainly than is necessary for his mere subsistence; but then the President is liable to a vast number of expenses that other functionaries escape; and, in his case, it is thought politic to bid a little higher than common, in order to command talent. It is not too much to say, that the President of the United States, if a prudent man, can save quite as much money out of his salary, each year, as a first-rate lawyer in practice would gain; and I confess I see but one reason why he has the smallest right to ask any more. He has generally reached a time of life when he retires, that forbids further exertion; and perhaps it is wisest to attach a degree of consideration to his office, which shall preclude men from descending subsequently to inferior duties. The latter point, however, is one that will certainly admit of dispute, and I do not think the former as strong as it first appears. Necessity will teach men the value of prudence and exertion in early life; nor is this the country that ought to wish to see its chief magistrate setting an example of useless, but attractive splendour. There are no vices so contagious as the corruptions which flow from the excessive use of money; for the desire to possess it, is a passion that all men feel, since it is the medium by which all the ordinary good of life is obtained. The accountableness af the public agents, and the simplicity of men of station, are matters of so vast importance in a republic, that the one should never
We have just had a proof that the government of the United States knows how to give with grace and liberality on a proper occassion. When La Fayette first came to America, he did not proceed on his distant and hazardous expedition empty-handed. The new States were then so poor, and they had been kept, by the operation of colonial policy, so completely dependent on the mother country for supplies, that the contributions of an individual were not without moment to them. The arms and money of the young Frenchmean were scarcely less acceptable than his word and his heart. They had amply returned his love; but it still remained to discharge a debt whose obligations were scarcely less sacred.
During the last session, a bill was introduced, appropriating two hundred thousand dollars in money, and a township of land, to extinguish this debt. It was not pretended that the money borrowed, or rather given (for the devotion of La Fayettye to the cause he had espoused knew none of the forms of bargaining) had not been already returned. But the Americans know that their venerble friend has long been a heavy sufferer by the revolution in his own country, and they also know that he look little account of the pecuniary interests of this life. The bill was not passed in enthusiasm, and wiht the hurry of dramatic effect, but it went through the forms of legislation with calmness and dignity. It was even resisted by one or two sturdy republicans, who paid a tribute to the manliness of the nation, by openly contending that, as the infirm and poorer agents of the revolution were still unrequited, they could not vote to bestow money on another, for services that were performed in common. But a vast majority of the two houses were of opinion that injustice to a part
The claims of La Fayette on America, cannot, surely, be likened to the claims of even Washington. The immortal patriot of this country owed his allegiance, his services, and his life, to the land of his birth; and his exceeding merit is in the faith and ability with which he discharged the duties. But nature had imposed no such obligation on La Fayette. We may admire and extol the filial piety of the child in its degree; but without it, altogether, the offspring would become a reproach and a subject of scorn before mankind. The stranger who yields his aid under the influence of a general philanthropy, is alone entitle to deep and unqualified gratitude, since the universal obligatins of society create indissoluble connexions between the members of families and the citizens of the same communities.
But there was still loftier claim, in the case of La Fayette, to the homage of a nation. His devotion to the cause of America was a devotion to the interest of humanity. The service he performed was chivalrous in its conception, bold in its moral attributes, and fearless in its execution. He dedicated youth, person, and fortune, to the principles of liberty; and it was fitting that an example should be given to the world, that he who had suffered in such a cause was not to go unrequited. In this view of the case, it was just as incumbent on the Frenchman to receive, as it was the duty of the American to bestow. At a time when the servants of despotism adn abject submission are receiving such ample gifts for their devotion, it is encouraging to see one splendid instance, at least, of virtue, and disinterestedness, and patient suffering, receiving a portion of the worldly rewards that should be the exclusive property of men devoted to the good of mankind.
Washington,—
I have
just witnessed one of the most imposing ceremonies of this government; I allude to the inaguration of the President of the United STates. It took place about noon, on the 4th of March, when the power of the late incumbent ceased, and that of his successor commenced. It was simple in its forms, but it may posses sufficient interest to amuse a few leisure minutes.
Every body was in the Capitol by the appointed hour. As it is altogether a ceremony of convention (with the exception of the oath of office) such persons were admitted to be spectators, as the officers who controlled the proceedings chose. But in a country like this, exclusion must proceed on a principle, and on such a principle, too, as shall satisfy the reason of the community. In the first place, the galleries of the hall of the House of Representatives were thrown open to every body; a measure that in itself served to commence with a system of equality. The floor of the house was next occupied, as a matter of course, by the Senators and Representatives. The foreign ministers and their suites, the officers of the government, including those of the army and navy, ex-members of Congress, and citizens of eminence from distant States, and finally strangers, who were deemed worthy of attention, composed the rest of the assembly.
The officers of the army and navy appeared in uniforms; and as there were a great many handsome and well-dressed women present, the scene was sufficiently
At the proper time, the President (Mr. Monroe) and the President elect (Mr. Quincy Adams) entered the hall, accompanied by the great officers of state, the judges of the supreme court, &c. &c. The two former took their seats on the sofa of the Speaker, while the others occupied chairs that had been reserved for them. After a short pause, the chief justice of the United Stated arose, and ascended to the little elevation on which the sofa stands. He held in his hand the sacred volume. Mr. Adams then took the oath, in the pressence of the assembly, with soclemnity and distinctness. The form was follows: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend, the constitution of the United States.”
With this brief but impressive office, a change in the executive power of this vast republic was effected. The moment Mr. Adams had pronounced the words just quoted, he was the chief magistrate of a great nation, and his predecessor retired to the station of a private citizen.
After a momentary delay, the new President commenced what is called his “inaugural adress.” It was long, and it was delivered with earnestness and apparent sincerity. It is customary to recognise, on this occasion, the leading principles of the contitutional, and for the particular course of policy by which he intends to be governed. Such professinos are, however, rather general than minute, and seldom go father than a confession of political faith, that depends much more on received axioms than on any private opinions. Still, there was simplicity in the
Vol.
II.
I confess I have been struck wiht the imposing simplicity of such a quiet transfer of power. The office of President of the United States is one of great dignity and high trust, and its duties have always been discharged with singular moderation and
It is a necessary consequence of an European education, that we should subject all things to the rules that are known to govern life in our quarter of the world. Under these impressions, a thousand absurb and childish theories have been urged among us, concerning the probable influence of such an officer, as the one whose inauguration I have just described. It would teach some of us moderation, though it did not teach us wisdom, did we thoroughly understand the fact, that it is quite as unintelligible to the mass of the Americans how we contrive to get on under our systems, as it is to us how they manage to get on with theirs.
I have already endeavoured to convey some idea of the nature of the private intercourse which the President holds with fellow-citizens. He is uniformly treated with personal respect, but never with adulation. The tone of the manners of the country is so much opposed to the practices of courts, the artifice itself requires that some sacrifice should be made to simplicity. Whenever the President apppears in his official character, he is received with the quiet deference that is due to his offie; but whenever be choose to appear as a private citizen, he does it without exciting more attention than is naturally bestowed on an individual who occupies an elevated and responsible station. The late President (mr. Monroe) made tours of observation through all the States, and along the whole line of the national frontier. His journey was rather of a public nature, and his receptions, in the towns and States, wore a good deal of a public character. The ceremonies through which he passed were a species of homage paid, in remote quarters of the confederation, to the unity of the nation in his person, though, in no instance, kid
The constitutional power of the President is not trifling, though it is always rigidly subordinate to the law. He is commander-in-chief of the army; but while it might prove some palliation to plead an illegal order issuing from this source, as an excuse for violating any law, it would not be the slightest justification. The only supreme authority in this republic is the law: and the President, not in words, but in fact, is just as much its subject as the meanest corporal in the line. Should he venture to order a subaltern to do an illegal act, the young man might refuse to obey; and should he order him to be punished for his disobedience, there is an authority in the country that would quietly take the supposed offender out of his hands. Now this is not a naked theory, but a rigid fact; and the consequence is just what it should be. Those who wield the public power for the time being, take all possible care never to be legally in the wrong; for they well knew, that neither influence, nor situation, nor fear, nor any other cause, can save the offender from open accusation] before the nation. It is easy to say that such a system must give rise to insubordination and tumult, and a thousand other evils; but where is the proof?
I have mentioned this fact to show you, that while there exists here the right to command for all legal purposes, there exists no authority to intimidate inferiors into a dangerous submission. These people are born and educated in a state of society, which inculcates deep and settled respect for the laws, without any respect for individuals. The President of the United States is commander-in-chief, it is true; but he could have no security for obedience beyond the point where his views should become doubtful.
The risk is too certain, and the success too remote and doubtful, to leave any temptation before the President to abuse his power. Four years is not time enough to mature a plan that would be dangerous to liberty,, especially as the agency of a majority of those who would be the losers by the change, must be employed to insure success. I do not believe you are silly enough to think that ten millions of people, who are excessively impatient of any of the forms of despotism, are likely to be subdued by a four-years' monarch, though he should happen to be another Napoleon; more especially when he can neither obtain, feed, clothe, arm, nor pay his troops, without begging money annually of those whom he would fain crush. If there shall ever be any great alteration in the principles of this government, rely on it, it will proceed directly from a conviction, in the mass of the people themselves, that such a change is necessary to their happiness.
Though the patronage of the President is great, it is subject to all the division of political support. In most cases, he is glad to get rid of the responsibility of appointments, since they oftener endanger, than
T 2
An unprincipled individual finds himself in the chair of the presidency. He wishes to become a king. He has but two ways of effecting this object; force or persuasion. If he has art enough to effect the latter, he is just as likely to succeed here as the King of England, for instance, would be likely to become absolute by the same means. If he be a man of common discretion, he will know that he must make a party, or his force will amount to just nothing at all. We will suppose him to have blinded the nation as to his real character, and views, and to have selected and secured his agents; two pretty difficult tasks, in the first place, you must allow. He has then got to place these agents in offices of trust, or they are no better than other men. In order to do this, he must deceive, or corrupt, the Senate. But even this difficult task must be done in two years, since one-third of that body go out of office every other year. Well, he has bribed a majority of the Senate, and he gets his tools into power. He then goes to work with the lower house, and soon brings two hundred men, who have been accustomed all their lives to look on him as an equal, to become his dependants. The two houses then give him an army, and vote money freely, in order to bribe that army; for it is out of the question to think that men who have been nursed in liberty, will serve despotism for nothing. Now, we have him, in the short space of two years,
The legislative authority of the President is entirely negative. In this respect, he possesses much power to do good, and none to do evil. His signature is necessary to make a law, perhaps; but, if two-thirds of both houses vote in its favour, he dare not withhold it. He has, therefore, rather more of a voice than any one, or any twenty members, without, in truth, forming a separate estate. As he acts under a higher responsibility, and it is supposed, with a greater familiarity with the interests and policy of the country, than the ordinary legislator, his influence should be greater without putting it in his power to defeat the intentions of Congress. It is easy to suppose cases in which the President can do much good. We will take one that is the most obvious. The confederation is nearly equally divided into slave-owning, and what are called free States. These happen to be, just now, eleven of the former, and thirteen of the latter. In a few years more, the numbers will probably stand thirteen to fourteen. Now each of these States has two votes in the Senate, without whose concurrence no law can be enacted. The superiority of the representation of the free States, in the popular branch, can effect nothing on any question that mayvice versa
,) a law that should threaten serious danger to the harmony of the confederation, the President has power to send it back, and to demand that a question of this magnitude should receive the assent of a number, that must, of necessity, include a concession on one side or the other; and concession, as you well know, is a great step towards harmony. It is just as likely that the President, in the first place, should be a southern man, as a northern man; and then he is expected to be, and, in point of fact, is, commonly, above all the ordinary excitements of legislative contests. The nation which, rarely, I may say, never, enters very blindly into the party heat which affects all legislative bodies, would expect moderation in the President, and would support him in it. That such a case has not arisen, proves nothing but the difficulty of obtaining even a legislative majority on irritating and alarming questions; for it is certain that in one instance, at least, such a question has been agitated. I mean the law for the admission of the State of Missouri, (with the privilege of holding slaves.) Had Congress passed that law, and had the President good reason to think that it would seriously endanger the harmony of the confederation, he must have been an impotent man indeed, not to have insisted that it should receive the support of an unequivocal majority. I do not believe that a refusal to admit Missouri to the Union,
This is one among a hundred similar familiar means, by which any great danger that is likely to arrive to this confederation, may, and would be avoided.
The President also possesses the power of referring a question to Congress, in order to demand a majority of two-thirds any question of general policy. That public opinion will prevent the abuse of this power, through vexatious interferences with legislation, is known by experience, since it is difficult to conceive a case, unless of extraordinary magnitude, in which an officer so directly amenable to and dependent on public opinion, not only for his authority, but for his comfort, would dare to offend. The long neglect of the prerogative in England, is sufficient evidence of what public opinion can do in a case like this. But the neglect of the prerogative in England does not infer a necessary neglect of the salutary power of the President, since there is no
jealousy
of the exercise of the latter, the person who holds it being so shortly to be brought back into the bosom of the nation as a private citizen. In short, this is a power only to be resorted to in cases in which the moderate and the wiser majority of the whole people would be of one mind; and it is one
The President commissions all the officers of the general government, except those, who, by law, receive their appointments from other functionaries, The judges of the United States' courts hold their offices during good behaviour.
* The judges of the State courts hold their offices by different tenures. Some are during good behaviour; others can be removed by the governors on a presentation by two-thirds of the two legislative bodies (which is, perhaps, the wisest provision of all;) others serve until sixty years of age, as in New-York; and some until seventy, as in Connecticut. All are, of course liable to impeachment.
In the army and navy, a regular system of promotion has been necessarily adopted; and as the Senate, without a good reason, would not confirm any irregular nomination, preferment, in those two branches of the public service, is always in due course, except in cases where character is implicated. So admirable is the practice of checks and balances throughout all the departments of this government, and so powerful and certain is the agency of public opinion, that no political management, except in cases that, by common consent, are thought to come fairly within the scope of political manœuvrings, can easily be exercised. The most commendable impartiality is observed in those appointments, which, in their nature,
A case occurred a few years since, which goes to prove the truth of what I tell you. A meritorious lieutenant of the navy, who was entirely destitute of the influence of connexions, came under the displeasure of some of the powers about the department under which he served. His name was omitted in the nominations to the Senate, and juniors were promoted over his head. Unprotected, and supported only by the truth, this gentleman went to Washington, and laid his case before the Senators. He convinced them that justice had not been done him; and the executive, in order to get other nominations confirmed, was obliged not only to promote this gentleman, but to give him a commission that restored the rank he had lost. Here was a clear case of justice, in opposition to influence; for if the officer had been guilty of any offence, he was subject to a code of laws that, Heaven knows, is severe enough. If any man believes that such a system destroys discipline, let him go on board an American man-of-war, and examine for himself. In my opinion, it has a contrary effect, by placing inferiors less in the power of their immediate superiors, and by consequently rendering both parties equally watchful.
In relation to the more ordinary civil appointments, the executive of the United States adopts a sufficiently discreet and useful course. The situations are, in general, well filled, and such a thing as a sinecure does not exist in the whole government. The President is, in fact, so far removed from the familiar and personal interests of society, that it is not difficult for him, even in a country as democratic as this, to preserve a dignified moderation. One
You may form some idea of the truth of this opinion, by an anecdote I shall mention. A New-York merchant gravely assured me, that his countrymen were in a bad way; that corruption had made great strides among them; and that he saw the downfall of the nation in its advances. I begged he would mention a fact. Leading me into a corner, he solemnly assured me, in a half whisper, that he
knew
, of his own observation, that one of the clerks of the custom-house of that city was in the habit of taking fees that the law did not sanction. You may depend on it, Jules, I gave him a sharp look, to see that the fellow had no double meaning; and then, convinced of his sincerity, I thought it no more than humane to offer the consolation of assuring him that these things sometimes happened elsewhere. Now, is all this owing to simplicity, and a new state of society? It is a pity, then, it does not exist all over this continent. The President possesses the right to fill all vacancies that occur, during the recess of the Senate, by commissions that shall be valid until the termination of the next session, unless full appointments shall be sooner made. This power is in no danger of abuse, since the President himself can be removed with nearly the same ease as any other incumbent.
The authority of the President over the army and navy, though that of a general or an admiral, as well as of a civil magistrate, is always exercised by deputy.
The President has a full, unequivocal power to pardon all criminals; except in cases of impeachment. It has been said (by Blackstone and Montesquieu) that this power is incompatible with the nature of a democratic government. I know no better answer to an argument than a fact, and the fact undeniably is; that the most democratic communities of the world exercise it with perfect safety. The mistake of these two writers only shows how very easy it is the most acute minds to get so enveloped in prejudice, as in some measure to impair the faculties. The essence of the difference between a democracy and a despotism is not so much in the amount of the power wielded, as in the manner in which it is created.
* It is surprising what vague and obstinate notions of government people acquire by habit. In America, the writer was several times asked how it was possible that one man could control the interests of a whole community; and in Europe; he has often been pressed to say whether there is any authority in the United States to repress the most common evils. If these worthy thinkers on civil polity would take the trouble to tax their intellects a little, they would see that necessity is a judicious legislator, and that no country can exist long, without such a state of things as shall render society reasonable, quiet, and secure. The great point of difference is in the forms by which its objects are effected. There is no doubt that one people can do things that would be fatal to the order of another (for a time at least) and it is quite certain that they who can get all that government aims at, in the cheapest and simplest manner, are the best off. The great desideratum is, to add security to freedom of personal efforts; and this is a point that varies in different situations of the world, just as much as intellect and intelligence themselves vary.
I believe I have now given you a hurried outline of the authority and office of the President of the
Vol.
II.
Washington,—
You
inquire concerning the state of religion in the United States. I presume you ask the question in reference to its outward and visible signs, since it is not to be supposed that a layman, like myself, is sufficiently versed in its mysteries to go deeper than that which is apparent.
You know there is no establishment. Congress is prohibited by the constitution from creating one, and most (I believe all) of the State constitutions have the same provision. In point of fact, there is none whatever. The clergy, and all that pertains, therefore, to religion, are supported by voluntary contributions, or, by endowments that have been made by devises, gifts, and other private means.
The first point to be considered, is the number and the nature of the sects. If the Presbyterians and Congregationalists, between whom there exist mere shades of difference in discipline and opinion, shall be considered as forming one sect, they are certainly the most numerous. It is computed that they posssess near three thousand congregations. The Baptists are known to have more than two thousand. Perhaps the Methodists rank next in numbers. The Protestant Episcopal church is greatly on the increase. I find, by the Ecclesiastical Register, that it contains ten bishops, and three hundred and ninety-four clergymen. * It may be interesting to those of a similar faith in England, to understand the constitution of this church in the United States. Where there are Episcopalians enough, the diocese is confined to a single State. But, as there are ten bishops, and twenty-four States, it is plain that several of the States however, eleven dioceses, that of Delaware being vacant. The highest spiritual authority known is, of course, a bishop. Priests and deacons being all the orders named in the Bible, are all the others orders known or used in America. The highest authority is exercised by the general convention. The general convention is composed of two bodies, a house of bishops, and a house of lay delegates. Each diocese has a convention for the regulations of its own affairs. The general convention consists of the bishops, who form the house of bishops, and of laymen, who are sent as delegates from the State convention. The object of this body is to promote harmony and uniformity of doctrine in the whole church. The State conventions contain the clergy of the diocese, and a lay delegation from each church. In both conventions, the clergy (or bishops, as the case may be) and the laymen vote separately, a majority of each being necessary to an ordinance. Clergymen are presented by their congregations, and bishops are elected by the conventions of the diocese, and are approved of by the house of bishops. There is no salary yet given to any bishop, though provisions to a reasonable amount are making for that object. At present, they are all rectors of churches. The oldest bishop for the time being, is called the presiding bishop, though he enjoys no exclusive authority. There have been, in all, twenty-one bishops of this church in the United States, and they hold their ordination from the archbishops of Canterbury and York, and from the non-juring bishops of the Episcopal church of Scotland, jointly. The law recognises these authorities to certain extent, as it does the authorities of all other churches. The Catholics have their archbishops and bishops, the Methodist their bishops, and the Presbyterians, Baptists, &c. &c., their own particular forms of government.
The most important point that is proved by the condition of this country, is the fact that religion can, and does, exist as well without as with the aid of government. The experiment has been tried here, for two centuries, and it is completely successful. So far from competition (if I may use so irreverent a term on so grave a subject) weakening, it increases its influence, by keeping zeal alive. While the Episcopalian clergyman sees the Presbyterian priest existing in his neighbourhood; and enjoying all the advantages that he himself enjoys, he is clearly obliged to do one of two things; either to abandon the race, or to contend with watchfulness and care. Now, this is exactly what is done here. The clergy are as chary as women of their characters; for they are certain of being proved, not by tests of their own establishing, but by those established by their competitors.
You may be inclined to ask if such a rivalry does not lead to strife and ill blood? Just the contrary. Each party knows that he is to gain, or to lose influence, precisely as he manifests the practice of the doctrines he teaches: and that, I apprehend, so far as Christianity is concerned, is charity and forbearance. At all events, with now and then an insulated and rare exception, great apparent good-will and cordiality exist among the clergy of the different sects; and, I fancy, it is precisely for the reason that there is nothing to be gained, and good deal to be lost, by a different line of conduct. This is considering the question solely on its temporal side, but you know I commenced with professing ignorance of the spiritualities.
Freedom of thought on matters of religion, is so completely a consequence of intellectual advancement, that it is impossible to prevent men who think much from doing one of two things; they either choose their own course, in secret, or they become indifferent to the subject altogether. I have always been of opinion that sects carry their articles of faith too far, since it is next to impossible to get two intellectual men to view any long series of metaphysical propositions in precisely the same light; and it would be better to leave them to the dictates of their own consciences, and to the lights of their own intelligence in lesser matters, after they are once fairly of a mind on the more material truths of their creed. This desirable object is obtained in the United States, to a certain degree, though not entirely, by allowing every man to choose his church, without attracting comment or censure. Charity is a consequence of such a state of things, at least that charity which manifests itself outwardly. The true object of religion is, to teach men the path to heaven, and that is an affair more affecting the individual than any body else. The moment society ceases to take the absolute
U 2
Still society has a worldly interest in the existence of religion—granted. But if it can obtain its object without an establishment, of what use is the latter? It is true, one does not see as many churches in a given number of square miles in America, as in a given number of square miles in France or England: nor are there as many people to use them. In order to institute a fair comparison, all things must be considered. In the first place, I am of opinion that the Americans have more places of worship than twelve millions of people in any other country of the globe; and if the peculiar condition of the new States be considered, I believe they have, in point of moral truth, twice as many. I am quite willing to admit that the cheapness of construction the freedom of opinion, and necessity itself, may all contribute to produce such a result, but I cannot see how this negative proof is to demonstrate that religion suffers from the want of an establishment. Let us examine the progress of the sects in a parish.
Ten miles square of wilderness is laid out in a township. Settlers come into it from all quarters, and of all denominations. The State has reserved a few hundred acres of land, perhaps, for the support of religion. The first thing commonly done, is to erect a shop for a blacksmith, and there is generally an inn near it, both being, of course, established in some convenient place. The school-house, or three or four of them, soon follow, and then people begin to think of a church. During the time that force for so important an object has been collecting, itinerant teachers, missioners, &c., sent from the older parts of the country, have been in the habit of collecting the
The church is built, and as the Presbyterians have given the most money, and are far the most numerous, the priest who is called is their persuasion. Those who are firm in their own particular faith, cherish it in secret; and when the proper time comes, they join a congregation of their own people. They could do no more, if the church was built under an establishment. Those who are not very rigid in their faith, most probably drop quietly into the communion of the church they find so convenient. An establishment would compel them to do precisely the same thing. In the course of a few years more, however, the people begin to separate, or rather to follow their own opinions; and then every thing settles down as quietly as men choose their wives, or make any other important selection that they have reason to think is particularly interesting to their individual happiness. But does not all this intermingling and indistinctness produce disorder and confusion? Just the contrary. While society is in its infancy it produces harmony, by inducing mutual support; and it weakens prejudice, and is fatal to superstition, by bringing the former in subjection to all it wants to destroy it—familiarity: and by rendering the other obnoxious to the ridicule and exposed to the reason of competitions. It is a known fact, that a century ago, the American religionist were among the most bigoted of their respective sects; and it is just as true now, that they have immensely improved, that they are daily growing still more reasonable, as familiarity with each other teaches them how very little better any one man is than the rest of his fellow-creatures.
But it will become necessary, in time, to make some use of the land which has been reserved for the support of the gospel. How is this to be done in such manner as not to give offence to the minority? You will recollect that this fund has been created in the most insensible manner, and not by the
As respects the matter in question, the people of New-York (for it is altogether an affair of the individual States,) have seen they must do nothing, under the most favourable circumstances for doing a great deal for the support of religion, or they must incur the risk of invading some perfectly dormant principle of a bald theory. They give land, which is of no value at the time, leaving the people to dispose of it when it does become of value. We will suppose this reservation now to be worth a division. The inhabitants of the town are then required to make their election. Every congregation, which is in truth a congregation, gets its shares, and there the business is disposed of. The infidel, or the man of indifference, or perhaps a solitary Catholic, gets nothing, it is true, for he does not want it. You will at once see that this sort of provision is of use only to those who go through the hardship of settling a town, since their successors may have different religious persuasions; but it is meant for the encouragement and consolation of those who do undergo the
I remember to have held a conversation with an innkeeper, who resided within a few yards of an edifice that was then in the course of erection as a place of public worship. I asked him the denomination of the people to whom it belonged. His answer was, “The Presbyterians.” “And you, you are a Presbyterians, no doubt?” “No, I was baptized in the Episcopal church, and I must say, I like it best after all.” “Ah, then you have nothing to do with the cost of building this house?” “I have paid my share.” “But how is this, you pay for the support of a church to which you do not belong?” “I do as I please, and I please to help my neighbours, who will help me in some other way, if not in this; besides, they are Christians as well as myself: and I mean to have a pew, and go and hear their parson till I can hear one of my own church.” “But you may be converted?” “Well,” he said, smiling, “then I shall be Presbyterians, and my wife and myself will be of the same mind; we are not afraid of looking the truth in face in America, let it come out of what pulpit it may.”
In fact the utmost harmony and good-will prevails among the different sects. Controversy is but little known, though I have been present at a dispute of a very remarkable character. The parties were a Baptist and an Universalist. They met in a field at an
It was a remarkable, and not an uninteresting scene. As you may suppose, the learning brought into the combat was none of the deepest, but the zeal and native shrewdness were great, and the discretion was admirable. I left the mooted point in as much doubt as I found it, though a great deal of absurdity was disposed of in the controversy, in a rough but sensible manner. This exhibition was, of course, as much of a novelty to the people of the country as it was to me.
I witnessed other scenes, that were alike impressive and beautiful. The Methodists have, at stated periods, what are called camp meetings. They assemble in thousands in some wood, and hold their religious festivals in a manner that is as striking by its peculiar simplicity, as it is touching by the interest and evident enjoyment they experience.
It is a fashion to ridicule and condemn these meetings, on the plea that they lead to excesses and encourage superstition. As to the former, the abuse is enormously exaggerated; though, beyond a doubt, there are individuals who attend them that would seek any other crowd to shield their vices; and as to the latter, the facts show, that while new and awakened zeal, in ignorant persons, frequently breaks out in extravagance and folly, they pass away with the exciting cause, and leave behind them tender consciences and a chastened practice. What are the
It is a mistake to believe that the liberality on religious subjects, which certainly exists to so eminent a degree in this country, is the effect of there being no establishment. On the contrary, the fact that there is no establishment is owing to the liberal institutions, and to the sentiments of the people. You will remember, that the same political right to create establishments is to be found in the State governments, here, as is to be found any where else. All power that can belong to governments, and which has not been ceded to the United States, is the property of the State themselves, in their corporate capacities. It is true that most of them have decreed, in their constitutions, that no religious tests shall be known; but it is necessary to remember who have framed these imperative and paramount ordinances. The powers, too, that decreed these limitations can change them. But let us examine into the actual state of the law on this interesting subject.
The provision contained in the constitution of the United States is altogether prohibitory. It goes to say, that the government of the confederacy shall pass no law to create a religious establishment, or to prohibit the free exercise of religion. It is contained in an amendment, and is embodied in a paragraph which exposes rather a declaration of the limits of congressional power, than any concession of power itself. The object of this amendment was unquestionably to afford a clearer evidence of the public mind, and to
New-England was settled by the Puritans. Whatever might have been the other good qualities of these zealots, religious liberality was not one of their virtues. It argues a somewhat superficial knowledge of the subject to contend that the Americans owe all their mental advancement, and freedom from prejudices, to the circumstance that they came into the country as reformers. It would be more true to say, that they came as dissentients; but though discent may, it does not necessarily, infer liberality. The fact is, that no country ever possessed a more odious and bigoted set of laws, on the subject of conscience, than those first enacted by the Puritans. Independently of the little favour that was extended to witchcraft, it was made death for a Quaker to enter several of their colonies! This spirit, which they brought with them from England, was part of that boble and much-vaunted mental gift that the Americans received from the mother country. Fortunately, they had wisdom enough left to establishe schools and colleges; and although it is quite probable that many worthy sectarians, who aided in this labour, thought they were merely fortifying their exclusive doctrines, the result has shown that they then took the very measure that was likely to introduce liberality and promote Christian charity in their land.
The Quakers themselves, though less sanguinary, for they did not deal in death at all, were not much more disposed to the intercourse than their eastern brethren. The Catholics in Maryland enacted the
Vol.
II
The unavoidable collision of sects has no doubt contributed to the result. It was not in nature to embitter life by personal and useless conflicts, and collected force did not exist in situations to produce combined oppositions. The Puritans had it all in their own way in New-England, until time had been given for reason to gather force: and, in the other colonies, adventitious circumstances aided to smother discussions. Liberality in politics, in some degree, drew religious freedom in its rain; adn when the separation from England occured, the public mind was prepared to admit of great equality of rights in all things. Slavery, which was certainly retained, was retained much more from necessity than from any other cause.
Still the advancement of thought in America was rather gradual than sudden. Many of the original provisions of the States, on the subject of religion, imply a timid and undecided policy. In New-Jersey no
Protestant can be denied
any civil right on account of religion. This is clearly a defensive enactment. In Pennsylvania, Mississippi, and Tennessee, a belief in God, and a future state of rewards and punish ments, is necessary to hold office. In North Carolina, no person who
denies the truth
of the
Protestant religion
, or the divine authority of the Old and New Testament, was capable of holding office. Many of these provisions have been changed, though some of them still remain. There is scarcely a year passes, in which some law, that has been a dead letter, is not repealed in some one of the States, in order to bring
In New-Hampshire, the consitution
authorizes
the legislature to make provision for the support of
Protestant
ministers; and in Massachusetts, the same duty is
enjoined.
The practice is simply this. An assessment is laid on all the inhabitants according to their estates. It is, like all other assessments in this country, exceedingly light as its amount is regulated by the people themselves, through their immediate representatives. If a Baptist, for instance, resides in a parish where there is no Baptist church, he is at liberty to prove that he has paid the assessment to a Baptist church any where else; but should he not be disposed to take this trouble, the money is paid to the town collector, who gives it to the church nearest his place of residence, I believe. A similar practice prevailed not long since in Connecticut; but, as I have already said, gradual changes are making, and it is a little difficult to get at the precise conditions of the laws of so many different communities, that are fearlessly adapting their institutions to the spirit of the age.
In Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Tenessee, ministers of the gospel are not eligible to the State legislatures. In South Carolina, Kentucky, and Mississippi, they can be neither governors nor legislators. In Missouri, they can fill no other civil office, but that of justices of the peace. In New-York, Delaware, and Louisiana, they can hold no civil offices at all. The constitution of the United States, and of all the other States, I believe, are silent on the
I have already told you, and I wish to repeat it, as an important fact that is always to be remebered, that, considering their scattered condition and circumstances, the people of this country manifest great zeal and interest in behalf of religion: I honestly think more than any other nation I know, and I believe it is simply because they are obliged to depend solely on themselves for its comforts and security. Perhaps the activity of the nation has its influence on this as on other things. Mind, I do not say that we see spires and holy places as often here as in Europe if we did, America would contain twenty times as many places of worship as the largest empire we have, being, Russia excepted, twenty times as large; and the State of New-York alone, with 1,700,000 souls, (1828) would possess two-thids as many churches as England with her twelve or fourteen millions of people.
English writers have not been ashamed to dwell on the comparative scarcity of churches in this country, compared with those in their own, as if the circumstance afforded any argument of a want of religion in the people. They might just as well quote the fact that there were not as many tombstones, to prove the same thing; or the American might make the circumstance that this country possesses more trees than England, a matter of moral exultation.
You would astonished to witness the perfect liberality between the sects, which has grown up under this state of things. In the first place, there is nothing temporal to quarrel about, and the clergy
X2
Religion is kept as distinct as possible from the State. It is known that Mr. Adams, the President just elected, is an Unitarian; a persuasion that is repugnant to most Christian sects, and yet you see that he is in the chair. People at a distance would infer indifference to the subject of religion from such an excess of liberality, but the fact is, the most zealous religionist in this country knows that the salvation of Mr. Adams? sould is a matter of more moment to himself than to any body else, and that if he be in error, ti's misfortune enough, without condemning him to a wordly persecution. Besides, they have sagacity enough to know that there is no more infallible way to give strength to any party that cannot be positively crushed, than by giving it importance and energy by resistance.
The sheriff of the city of New-York, an officer elected by the people, was, a few years ago, a Jew! Now all the Jews in New-York united, would not probably make three hundred voters. Some kindhearted people got up a society to convert the Jews there, a short time since; and a notice soon appeared in a paper inviting the Jews to meet to concert means of converting the Christians.
Notwithstanding all this, the country is as much, or more, a Protestant and Christian country than any other nation on earth. I merely state a simple fact, on which you are at liberty to reason at pleasure. The sects are about as numerous as they are in the mother country, and all that one hears concering
I shall close this letter with giving you an account of one sect, that is as remarkable for its faith as for its practices. I mean the Shaking Quakers. I have been at three of the establishments of these people, viz. Hancock (in Massachusetts,) and Lebanon and Niskayuna (in New York.) I believe there is still another establishment, in one of the south-western States. The whole number of the sectarians is, however, far from great, nor is it likely to increase, since their doctrine denies the legitimacy of matrimony, or any of its results. There may be a thousand or fifteen hundred of them altogether.
The temporalities of the Shakers are held in common. They are not an incorporated company, but confidence is reposed in certain trustees, who are selected as managers and guardians of all their real estates, goods and chattels. They are an orderly, indutrious sect, and models of decency, cleanliness,
Though men and women, who, while living in the world, were man and wife, are often to be found as members of these communities, the sexes live apart from each other. They have separate dormitories, separates tables, and even separate doors by which to enter the temple.
But it is to the singular mode of worship of these deluded fanatics, that I wish to direct your attention. You know, already, that no small portion of their worship consists in what they term the “labour of dancing.” Their founder has contrived to lay his finger on one or two verses of the Old Testament, in which allusion is made to the custom fo the Jews in dancing before the ark: and, I believe, they also place particular sttress on the declaratin of Solomon, when he says, “there is a time for all things,” among which, dancing is enumerated. It is scarcely necessary to say, that none but the most ignorant, and, perhaps, the weakest-minded men, can join such a sect from motives of conscience. I say several negroes among them.
I went to attend their worship at Niskayuna. It was natural to suppose that their dancing was a sort of imitation of that of the dervishes, in which enthusiasm is the commencement, and exhaustion the close. On the contrary, it was quite a matter of grave preparation. The congregation (the Shakers) entered
They appear to have an idea that a certain amount of this labour is requisite to salvation, for I learned that many of the elders had reached perfection, and that they had long since ceased to strive to reach heaven by pirouetting.
Now the laws of the different States where the small fragments of this sect exist, are far too wise and too humane to give their deluded followers any trouble. They are inoffensive and industrious citizens, and, in one or two instances, the courts have interpreted the laws as humanely in their favour as circumstances would reasonably, allow. It is plain that the true bond of their union is the effect which concerted action and stric domestic government produce on the comforts of the grossly ignorant; but as the class of the very ignorant is quite limited in this country, and is daily getting to be comparatively still less numerous, there is no fear that this, or any other religious sect that is founded altogether on fanaticism and folly, will ever arrive to the smallest importance.
washington,—
—
You
know not what you ask! I have already sent you an imperfect account (I must confess) of the jurisprudence of the United States, and now you ask me for what you are pleased to call an outline of its civil and criminal law. Do you know there are four-and-twenty States, one district, and four territories in this country, and that each of them has its won laws, varying in some particulars of form and of policy from those of all the rest? My answer shall,
The criminal law of the United States is more sanguinary than that of any particular State. Piracy, treason, murder, robberies of the mail, in which the life of the person in charge is jeoparded, and a few other offences, are punished with death. Crimes committed on the high seas, in certain reservations, such as forts, light-houses, &c., are also punished by the laws of the confederation. Smaller offences are punished by fines, or imprisonment, or by both. Some of the States inflict death for a variety of offences, especially the slave-holding communities; others again are very tender of human life. In New-York, murder, arson, if the building be an inhabited dwelling, and treason, can be punished with death. All crimes that are exclusively military, are punished by the military code of the general government.
The great fault in the exercise of the criminal law, in most, if not all, of the States of America, is a false humanity. The people have heard a great deal, and a great deal justly, of the useless severity of the laws in many European countries, and they very naturally turn with horror from a system, that they are fond of thinking is unnecessary to a nation in their own condition. I cannot say I agree with them. As there is less temptation to crime in the United States, than in any other country, and, as more care is taken to prevent it by the use of education, and the entire absence of legal monopolies, it is as unwise as it is unnecessary to reject those means of preserving the order of society which the experience of all ages has shown to be salutary.
The first and great duty of every government is to remove, as far as possible, all temptations to crime. This is to be done by the admission of equal rights, and by as general a diffusion, as possible, of moral influences. But after these solemn and imperative duties are performed, little can be said against a stern and wholesome exercise of justice. Punishment, in order to be impressive, should be prompt and infallible. The indiscreet use of the prerogative of mercy is one of the great errors of American criminal policy, though it is said that necessity often compels its exercise, as the public penitentiaries cannot hold the convicts that are accumulated by time, and which embrace crimes that elsewhere would sweep the offender from the earth. I should think this argument must prove some fault in the criminal code. It is true, that an immense proportion of the convicts are foreigners, or of the unfortunate race of blacks: but still it is necessary to legislate for things as they are and if rogues can emigrate from Europe, and a class of ignorant and hapless wretches exist in the State to swell the amount of crime, I should think both policy and justice require that a suitable provision should be made to meet the evil.
I was particularly struck with the fact, that a report of the superintendents of the New-York State Prison, commenced with premises like this: “As the object of all punishment is the reformation of the offender;” now I take it, that the object of the punishments which communities inflict, is for no such purpose. Society punishes for its own protection, though reformation
may
, and when practicable without losing sight of the great and principal cause of legal punishments, it
should
ever be considered as a collateral good, to be effected by the same means. But it is dangerous, indeed, to assume that punishment has no other motive than reformation. If this be true, why do we execute for murder, or why are
America is peculiarly placed as respects crime. It is a young, vigorous, abundant, and, a highly commercial country, in which moveable property abounds, and in which it is remarkably exposed to be pilfered by the absence of a rigid police; a sort of protection that is not very suitable to the habits and opinions of its people. The great and increasing intercourse with an old nation, in which crime abounds to an extraordinary degree, and the prodigious facilities of a communication which every day is rendering still more easy, tempt rogues from the mother country to shift their scene of action. Thus, while the country has been acting on a criminal law that is adapted, perhaps well enough, to the degree of temptation which exists in the nation itself, its cities are beginning to swarm with fugitive felons from England, who, under favour of a common language, not only practise all their artifices with equal dexterity as at home, but, what is far worse, who bring corruption into the land, and lead hundreds of youths into the paths of vice. But this is an evil that will correct itself, though I think the good people, especially of the large towns, are little aware that their excessive lenity is not only
Vol.
II.
The law of real property, in the United States, is a good deal the same as that of England. Entails are, however, destroyed every where, and the doctrine of descent has, in many of the States, been roughly handled. In New-York—I quote this State oftenest, as the most populous and the most important, though you are to understand that the laws of New-York are strictly applicable only to itself, while they are commonly founded on principles that are general—in New-York, the
father
is the next heir of a child who leaves no issue. This is a wise, a humane, and a natural departure from the dictum of the common law, and it does much good in a country like this. The next of kin inherit, after the father, in equal portions, without distinction of age or sex. The widow is entitled to one-third of the personal estate of the husband, and to the use of one-third of the real estate during life. The husband is owner of all the personals of the wife, and he is the tenant by the courtesy of her real estate, according to the provisions of the English common law. There is, however, a good deal of difference in the rights of husbands and wives in the different States. In some, the property of the woman is much more respected than in others.
The party in possession of property in fee, can devise it, without restriction, to whom he pleases. This is, I think, a wiser provision than the law of France, which renders natural descent, to a certain extent, unavoidable; but the law of France I take to be an enactment that is intended to do away with the custom of entails, which had gotten such deep root in Europe. Rich men, here, often give more to their sons than to their daughters; though it is veryascent
) prescribed by the law, must be made by will.
* The writer is hourly acquiring evidence of the gross ignorance concerning the United States, which travellers are importing into Europe, where, Heaven knows, enough has long existed. He has lately read a book, written by an Englishman, in a sufficiently amicable spirit, which says that a gentleman of New-York, who is the proprietor of a large estate (40,000 acres) is obliged by law to let it pass to his nephews and nieces! It is possible that, in the case in question, a reversionary interest might have been given by some former owner in fee, to certain nephews and nieces; but any owner in fee (of mature age) can devise to whom he pleases. The law allows devises to go as far as all people actually living, and to twenty-one years after, by fixing age, sex, or any other qualification by which the party to inherit can be accurately distinguished.
Marriage is, of course, altogether a civil contract, Its forms are, however, more or less artificial, according to the policy of particular States. In some, bans are necessary; in others, evidence that would establish any other contract would establish that of marriage. As a breach of the marriage contract is always criminal, the law requires, in cases of indictments for bigamy, rather more positive testimony than would be required in those of inheritance and legitimacy. Thus, a child would be considered born in wedlock, in many States, under the reputation of matrimony, though a man would scarcely be punished for bigamy, without direct evidence of the two contracts. The policy of the different States, however, varies so much, to suit the particular conditions of society, that no general rule can be laid down. In portions of the country recently settled, it is the practice to make the contract before a justice of the peace, as in many parts of New-York; but then, a justice of peace has no more power to celebrate a marriage than any other man. It is thought that his testimony, as
I can tell you little more that is distinctive in American law, without dealing in exceptions; since, though the governing principles are always the same, the policy of one State differs so much from that of another.
New-York,—
It
is an age since I wrote to any of the club. But though my pen has been necessarily quiet, the intervening time has not been unemployed. In the interval, I have run over an immense surface in the southern and western States. It would be idle to attempt to describe all I have seen, and there would be the constant danger of leading you astray by exceptions, should I descend into detail. Still, as there is a great deal that is distinctive, I shall endeavour to convey to you some general ideas on the subject.
The first, and by far the most important feature, which distinguishes these States from their northern sisters, is slavery. Climate and productions induce some other immaterial differences. The laws, usages, institutions, and political opinions, with such exceptions as unavoidably grow out of states of society marked by such distinctions as the use or the absolute of domestic slaves, are essentially the same.
There is a broad, upland region, extending through the interior of Virginia, the two Carolinas, and Georgia, where slaves are used, more as they were formerly used in New-York and in the eastern States, than as they are now used in the other sections of the States named. That is to say, the farmer is the master of three or four labourers, and works in the field at their sides, instead of being a planter, who keeps a driver, and what are called gangs. Tennessee, and Kentucky also, with some exceptions, employ the negroes in a similar manner; while on the Mississippi, the Gulf of Mexico, and along the coast of the Atlantic, as far north as the Chesapeake, slavery exists much in the same forms as it is found in the English West India islands.
The country, on the whole coast of the United States, until one gets far northward and eastward, is low and champaign. It is healthy, or not, according to the degrees of latitude, and to local situation. The uplands are invariably salubrious. There is no region on earth more beautiful, or more fertile, than large parts of Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. There is also much barren, or otherwise little valuable land, in the former State, as there is in the neighbouring States of North and South Carolina.
South Carolina and Louisiana are the only two States which, at the census of 1820, contained more blacks than whites. The former had 231,812 white inhabitants, and 258,497 blacks; leaving a balance of 26,685 in favour of the latter. Of the blacks, 251,783 were slaves, being 19,971 more slaves than whites. Louisiana had, at the same time, 73,383 whites, and 79,540 blacks; of the latter, 69,064 were slaves, being rather fewer slaves than whites. All people having black blood are enumerated as blacks. Georgia is the next considerable community, which has so large a proportion of blacks. It had, in 1820, 189,566 whites, and 151,439 blacks. Virginia
Y 2
In 1790, there were 757,208 blacks in the United States; in 1800, 1,001,729; in 1810, 1,377,810; in 1820, 1,764,836. By making premises of these facts, and taking the past rate of increase as a rule for the future, it would be found that there are now (1828) about 2,000,000 of blacks in the United States. In 1820, there were 233,400
free
blacks in the United States. As the free blacks do not increase at the same rate as the slaves, this number cannot have accumulated in a full proportion, by natural causes. But emancipation has. been busy since. New-York, alone, has liberated more than 10,000 slaves since 1820. We will therefore assume that natural increase and emancipation have kept the free blacks up to the level of the increase of the whole number. This would leave us something like 1,750,000 for the whole amount of slaves in the country, at the present moment (1828.) This result is probably not far from the truth. You will see, however, that my premises are a little faulty, because the increase of blacks between the years 1800 and 1810 was a good deal greater, in comparison with whole numbers, than between 1810 and 1820. This fact is owing to the abolition of the slave trade, which occurred between the two censuses of 1800 and of 1810, and which being known by a prospective law, induced extraordinary importations. Thus the increase between 1800 and 1810 was 376,581, whereas between 1810 and 1820 it was only 387,026, although there was so much
In addition to these facts, it may be: well to state that the whole white population of the country is known to have increased faster than that of the coloured, though the black population of the southern, or slave-holding States, is thought to have increased a little faster than that of the whites.
In considering the question of slavery, as now existing in the United States, the subject naturally divides itself into the past, the present, and the future. It has been often said, that a people, claiming to be the freest of the earth, ought to have brought their practice more in conformity with their professions, and to have abolished slavery at the time they declared their independence. There are many unanswerable reasons to this allegation; or reasons that will be deemed unanswerable, by that portion of mankind who regard life as it actually exists, in its practical aspects and influences. There is not now, nor has there ever been since the separation of
The condition of the American slave varies, of course, with circumstances. In some few portions of the country, he is ill dealt by. In most districts his labour is sufficiently light, his clothing is adapted to the climate, and his food is, I believe, every where abundant. The strongest evidence, after all, which can be given, that the amount of animal suffering among the American slaves is not great, (there are exceptions, of course,) is the fact that they are a light-hearted and a laughing race. I am very ready to grant that ignorance, and absence of care, are apt to produce hilarity, and that some of the most degraded and least intellectual people of the earth, are among the gayest; but I believe that it is a rule in nature, that where there is much animal suffering there is an animal exhibition of its existence.
There is still a higher, and a very numerous class of American slaves, who are far better instructed, better clothed, and better fed, and who are altogether a superior race to the lowest class of the European peasants. I mean the domestic servants, and those who labour as mechanics and artisans.
While on this branch of the subject, I shall take occassion to say, that yearly melioratins in he constitution of the slaves (and of the blacks generally,) are taking plae in source one part of the country or other. Several unjust and exceedingly oppressive laws, that were the fruits of colonial policy, have been repealed, or greatly qualified; and public opinion is making a steady advance to the gereral improvement, and, I think, to the final liberation of the race. Although these changes are not as rapid as they might be, even with a due regard to policy, and far less rapid than most good men could wish, it is a course that is more likely to be attended with less positive injury to the race of beings that true philanthropy would go gladly serve, than once as headlong and as ill-advised as mere declaimers and pretenders would dictate.
I think no candid man will deny the diffuclty of making two or three millions of people, under anu circumstances, strip themselves, generally of half their possessions, and, in many instances, of all. There are few nations in Europe, at this hour, in which the poorer classes would not be relieved from serious pressure, would they, who have the means, tax themselves to discharge the debts which are the causes of so much of the heavy impositions of their respective governments. Now, this would be a measure that would do good to millions, great and almost Inconceivable good, and harm to none but to them that paid; whereas, a sudden, or any very violent emancipation of the slaves of America, would ruin those who did it, and scarcely do less than ruin half, or even more, of those in whose behalf the charitable act would be performed. Let me be understood. I do not mean to say that much more than is done might not be done, prudently, and with safety; nor do I mean to say that most of those who find themselves in possession of a species of property, that they have been educated to think a natural and just acquisition,
In considering the question of American slavery, in reference to the past; it is plain that Europe has been an equal participator in all that there is of shame, or sin, in the transaction. There can be no charge more rapid and unjust, than for an European to reproach the American with the existence of slavery in his country. That the American is in the enjoyment of greater power to do natural justice than the European, is just a true, as that, in most things, he does it. That slavery is an evil of which the great majority of the Americans themselves, who have no present agency in its existence, would gladly be rid of, is manifest, since they have abolished it in so many State already; but that it is an evil not to be shaken off by sounding declarations; and fine sentiments, any man, who looks calmly into the subject, must see. But so far as a comparison between Europe and America is concerned, let us, for an instant, examine the exceedingly negative merit of the former. Is it not a fact that the policy of all America was for more than a century controlled by Europe, and was not this courage introduced under that policy? Has that policy, in Europe, been yet abandoed? Let us take the two most prominent nations boldly to task at once; does England or France, for instance, at this moment, own 3 foot of land on earth, where black slaves can be profitable, and where they do not use them? * It is well known that a negro would be next to nothing in the Canadas, &c.
The merit of Christendom on the subject of the wrongs of Africa, is, at the best, but equivocal. Yet, such as it is, the meed is better due to the United States than to any other nation. They were the first to abolish the trade in human flesh, though the nation, of all others, that might most have reaped that short-sighted, but alluring profit, which tempted men to the original wrong. Had not the Congress of the United States abolished this trade, there is no doubt millions of acres might have sooner been brought into lucrative cultivation, and the present generation at least would have been millions the richer. The whole body of the whites might have become a set of taskmasters to gather wealth from the labour of the blacks. No doubt true policy dictated the course they have taken, and they have but a very negative merit in pursuing it: still it should always be remembered, that what has been done, was done by those who might have profited in security by a different course, and by those, too, who had been educated in the shackles of a deeply-rooted prejudice on the subject.
In reproaching the Americans with incongruitythey
have given freedom and (essentially) equal rights to those blacks who remain among them. The very condensation of the interests of slavery adds, however, to the difficulty of the subject, since it makes the loss fall on a comparatively reduced number. The northern men had to do one of two things; to separate thier fortunes from a portion of their countrymen, to whom they were bound by the ties of fellowhsip, blood, common interests, and common descent, or submit to be parties to an union in which some of the other parties were slave-holders. They were, in fact, slave-holders themselves, at the time of the compact, so that it would have been absurb to be very fastidious in the matter; and there would have been but little wisdom in rejecting so much positive good, in order to assert an abstract principle, that could be attended with no single practical benefit. The southern States would have held their slaves, had the northern refused to have joined them to make one nation; and, so far as humanity is concerned, the negroes would not have been so well off, since they now feel the influence of northern policy, while war and blooshed, and all the evils of a dengerous rivalry that would have arisen between men whom nature had made friends and brothers, are avoided. In short this is a reproach agains the northern man, that is more likekly to be made by thos who view the Union, and the continued harmony which pervades these vast regions, with unquiet jealousy, than by any reasoning and practical philanthropist.
As to the southern man himself, he is placed, like so many nations of other quarters of the globe, in an unfortunate predicament, that time and society, and all the multiplied interests of life, render so difficult
Vol.
II.
I think these considerations must lead us to the conclusion, that most of the merits of this question lie in the fact of how much has been done and is now doing, towards effecting a change in what is admitted to be a prodigious evil. I feel confident that no discreet father, or husband, or brother, could ask a Carolinian, who was existing in a state of highly polished society, and who enjoyed all the advantages of great moral improvement, to admit, at once, a body of men who had been nurtured in the habits of slavery, with all their ignorance and animal qualities, and who are numerically superior, to a participation of equal political rights. Such a measure would induce
The true question, and that in which the friends of humanity should feel the deepest interest, is that connected with the steps that are taken to lead to the general emanicipation, which must sooner or later arrive.
At the period of the declaration of the independence of the United States, slavery existed in all the British colonies. The blacks were not numerous in the northern provinces, for, there, the white was the better labourer. Still there were slaves in every one of the thirteen original States of this Union. The proportion of slaves in some of the middle States was nearly equal to what it now is in some of the southern. Massachusetts (which in 1790 had 5,463 blacks,) put such a construction on its own bill of rights as abolished slavery. This was the first measure of the sort that was ever taken on the American continent, I presume. The example has been successively followed, at different periods, by all the northern and middle States, until slavery is either abolished in fact, or by laws that have a prospective operation, in nine out of the fourteen States that adopted the present constitution in 1789. You may form some idea of the difficulty of getting rid of such an evil as slavery, by observing the caution with which these comparatively little encumbered State have approached the subject. Perhaps twenty years are necessary to effect the object humanely, even after the policy of a community is perfectly decided.
Numberless influences have, at the same time, been at work, however, to extend the limits in which slavery might exist. Alabama and Mississippi formed parts of Georgia; Kentucky and Tennessee were within the ancient limits of Virginia; and Louisiana, and Missouri, and the Floridas, were acquired by purchase. The people of Virginia and Georgia, in ceding their territory, were not disposed to cede the right of emigration, with the privilege of carrying their wealth with them; and slavery, in consequence, became extended over the four States named. Slaves were found in the two others, and in the Floridas. In this manner the eleven present slave-holding States came into existence. In the meanwhile, the States of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, were organized off what was once called the north-western territory. These, added to the nine States that had abolished the policy of slavery, and by the subsequent acquisition of Maine, brought their whole number up top thirteen.
I think that the influence on the increase. It is not smallest evil of slavery, that it begets in the master an indifference to its existence, and that it gives birth and durability to cruel and lasting prejudices. That these prejudices must be rooted out of the majority of the citizens of the southern States themselves, erc slavery shall cease to exist, is indisputable, since no power but their own can extinguish it. But my friend assures me, that within his recollection, an immenses change has taken place in this particular. Twenty years ago, even in New-York, a general and deep prejudice existed against this unfortunate class of human beings. It is rapidly disappearing. It is true, that the sort of commingling of the races, which a certain class of philanthropists are much fonder of proclaiming than they would be fond of practising, does not occur, nor is it likely very soon to occur in this country. Still there is every disposition to do
But there will still be a greater objection against this mingling of the races, for at least a long time to come. With few exceptions, the blacks of America belong to an ill-educated and inferior class. When free, they are left, like other men, to look after their own interest; and most of those, who have character and talent enough to rise above the condition of menials, push their fortunes in countries where they are not daily and hourly offended by the degradation of their caste. I think this circumstance must long keep them in a station which will prevent intermarriages. You will admit, too, that matrimony is very much an affair of taste; and, although there well may be, and there are, portions of the world where white colour is not greatly admired, such is not the case here. The deep reluctance to see one's posterity exhibiting a hue different from one's own, is to be overcome, ere any extensive intercourse can occur between the blacks and the whites.
The probable future fate of the blacks of America, is a subject of deep and painful interest. I confess, however, I am not one of those who see any great danger to the whites in their increasing numbers. While they remain ignorant, their efforts must always be feeble and divided, and, as they become enlightened, they must see the utter impossibility of
Z 2
But the danger of slavery, so far as it is connected with numbers, has its own cure. No man will keep a negro after he ceases to be profitable, any more than he will keep an extra supply of other animal force. If Carolina can bear 500,000 slaves, Carolina will probably accumulate that number; but after she has reached the point where policy says she must stop, instead of resorting to laws to retain her negroes, she will have recourse to laws to get rid of them. This, to an European, and particularly to an Englishman, who knows that excessive population is the greatest burthen of his own country, may seem difficult; but in order to form a correct opinion of a
The already vast, and constantly increasing coasting trade of the United States, offers an easy, natural, and perfectly practicable darin, to the black population of the soth. The blacks furnish, already, thousands of sailors, and quite useful sailors too, and they constitue a very important material of the supply of seamen, in considering the future commercial and nautical powe of this confederation. The demand for domestics at the north, too, will, for many years, continue beyond the probability of a white supply. You will remember that experience has shown that the free blacks have very little natural increase, and both these growing demands must therefore meet with most of their supplies from the slave-holding States. Then, again, the proximity of the West Indies, of Mexico, and of the South American States in which a commingled population already exists, offers facilities for emigration, that Europe does not present. The slave population of the United States many reach 1 or 5,000,000, but (after a very short time) at a diminishing rate of increase,
* At present the slave-holder has a motive for increasing his slaves, since he can sell them in the new States; but this demand will, of course, cease as the new States get full. Louisiana has recently passed a law, prohibiting the importation of slaves; a fact which the writer thinks proves the truth of his theory. The reader will alwasy recollect that slaves cannot be
imported into the United States, but that they can be
transported from one State to another, unless prohibitions are made by the States themselves. This was part of the original compact, without which the southern States would not have consented to the present constitution
In forming these conjectures, I have not regarded the narrowing of the limits of slavery by the constant advancement of opinion. It is true, that the surface on which slavery, in fact, exists, has, on the whole,
It has spread with the diffusion of population, over districts that were originally the property of the slave-holders; and in no respect, except in mere territorial division, has there been any virtual enlargement of its political limits, unless one can thus call the enlargement of the borders of society. It is true, that when Missouri was admitted to the Union, an effort was made by the friends of the blacks (I use the term technically) to abolish slavery in that State. Had they succeeded, it would have been an inroad on the ancient limits; but their defeat ought not to be deemed an extension of the surface occupied by slaves, since slaves were there before. It was a sort of attempt to turn the flank of slavery, or to get into its rear; whereas I think it manifest that the great victory over habits and prejudices, which true policy will be sure to gain in time, is to be gained by pressing steadily on, in an open, manly, but cautious and conciliating manner, in tis front. Ardent and steady a friend of universal liberty as you know me to be, I am by no means sure, that, had I been a member of that Congress, I would have given so violent an alarm to the slave-holders of the south, as to have contributed to attempt to carry that law.
It is only necessary to witness the immense superiority that free labour possess over slave labour, and to examine the different conditions of society in a State without slaves, and in one wiht, to see that a close contact must be destructive to the principles of slavery. The friends of emancipation have now a nohle front, extending from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. I even think that accident has contributed to throw those communities most in advance, which are the least likely to retard the progress of emancipation.
The first and surest sign of a disposition to give freedom to the slaves, is the accumulation of the free blacks, since they are not only a positive proof that emancipation exists, but they argue an indifference to slavery in the whole community. In Maryland, there were 145,429 blacks in 1810, and 147,128 in 1820. During the same time, the whites increased frim 235,117 to 260,222. Emigration retarded the increase of the two races, no doubt; and yet, you see, contrary to the law of increase in most of the slave-holding States, the whites grew faster than the blacks. Now, of this number of 147,128 blacks, 39,730 were free. This is a very large proportion, and I hail it as a most auspicious omen. In point of fact, there were 4,109 fewer slaves in Maryland in 1820, than in 1810; while the whites had increased 25,105. Indeed, I heard very many enlightened and respectable men in Maryland regret that slavery exsited among them at all; and the opinion is getting to be quite common, that free labour is the most profitable. Even in Virginia, the whites have increased 51,474, during the same ten years, while the blacks have increased only 38,954. It is true, the emigration renders these results a little doubtful; but
I have endeavoured to lay this important subject before you in a practical form. It has been done rapidly, and, I am quite certain, very imperfectly. It is proper to understand, there is so much of intimate detail necessary to view the state of American slavery with discretation, that it is highly probable I may have fallen into error; but I still think you will find the views I have taken of it not without some plausibility. I shall sum them up, together with the leading facts, in as few words as possible.
I think liberal sentiments towards the blacks are rapidly gaining ground in most of the southern States. * The writer does not mean that ever man becomes in some degree sensible of the evil, but that a vast number do, and of men, too, who are likely to have an effect on legislation.
I do not think that slavery, under any circumstances, can entail very serious danger to the dominion of the whites in this country, for at least a century or two. District might be ravaged, beyond a doubt; but the prodigious superiority of the whites, in every thing that constitutes force, is the pledge of their power.
I am of opinion that the number of the slaves will be limited, as a matter of course, by necessity. There is a point beyond which they would be a burden. Nor is that point so distant as we commonly imagine. Perhaps it has been already obtained in some of the older States.
I think that the free black population (except in the way of emancipation) does not increase, or, at least, nor materially; and that the proportion between the whites and the blacks is steadily growing in favour of the former; that, in future, it will even frow faster; that emigration, the navy, commerce, and unsettled habits, will tend to repress the increase of the blacks, and to consume their numbers; and that the time of the intermingling of the races to any great extent is still remote.
Through there is much in these views to excite the regrets of a man of pure philanthropy, it appears to me that the cause of emancipation is far from being as bad as it is generally supposed to be in Europe.
But physical suffering, especially in a country like this, is not the prominent grievance of slavery. It is the deep moral degradation, which no man has a right to entail on another, that forms the essence of its shame. God has planted in all our spirits secrel but lasting aspirations after a state of existence higher than that which we enjoy, and no one has a right to say that such are the limits beyond which your reason, and, consequently, your mental being shall not pass. That men, equally degraded, exist under systems that do not openly avow the principle
New-York,—
The
next subject of interest, after the unfortunate descendants of the Africans, that has been brought into my notice by this southern tour, is the remnant of the original possessors of these regions. By far the most numerous, and the most important of the native tribes, which still continue in the immediate vicinity of the whites, are those which occupy reservations in Georgia, the Floridas, Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee. The lingering fragments of a hundred tribes are certainly seen scattered over the immense surface of this country, living on greater or less tracts that had been secured to them, or dwelling by sufferance in the woods; but the only people now residing east of the Mississippi who can aspire to the names of nations, are the Creeks, the Choctaws, the Chickasaws, the Cherokees, and the Seminoles, all of whom dwell in the portion of country I have named.
As a rule, the red man disappears before the superior moral and physical influence of the white, just as I believe the black man will eventually do the same thing, unless he shall seek shelter in some other region. In nine cases in ten, the tribes have gradually removed west; and there is now a confused assemblage
VOL. II.
It is impossible to say any thing of the numbers of the Indians, except by conjecture, since they are not considered as coming properly within the computations of the censuses. Perhaps the five nations named may contain not far from twenty thousand souls. It is not probable that all the Indians that live within the bopundaries of the United States, stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, materially exceed 120,000, if indeed they reach that amount. Still I do not pretend to any great accuracy in my estimates. Their numbers, in this quarter of America, have always been exaggerated; and the sounding terms of nations and tribes have contributed to the extension of a mistaken idea of their importance.
The ordinary manner of the disappearance of the Indian, is by a removal deeper into the forest. Still, manu linger near the graves of their fathers, to which their superstitions, no less than a fine natural feeling, lend a deeper interest. The fate of the latter is inevitable; they become victims to the abuses of cilization, without ever attaining to any of its moral elevation.
As might be supposed, numberless divisions of these people, when the country was discovered, were found in possession of districts along the coast, and deriving a principal means of support from the ocean. They were fishermen rather than hunters, though the savage state ordinarily infers a resort to both pursuits. Most of these people, too, retired reluctantly from a view of “the great salt lake,” but some were environed by the whites before they were properly aware of the blighting influence of the communion; and, getting gradually accustomed to their presence, they preferred remaining near the places where they had first drawn breath. Trifling districts of territory have been, in every instance in which they were sufficiently
In point of civilization, comforts, and character, the Indians, who remain near the coasts, are about on a level with the lowest classes of European peasantry. Perhaps they are somewhat below the English, but I think not below the Irish peasants. They are much below the condition of the mass of the slaves. It is but another proof of the wayward vanity of man, that the latter always hold the Indians in contempt, thought it is some proof that they feel their own condition to be physically better; morally, in one sense, it certainly is not.
Many of these Atlantic Indians go to sea. They are quite often found in the whalers, and, in some instances, in the vessels of war. An officer in the navy has told me that he once knew a Montauk Indian who was a captain of the main-top in a sloop of war; and in another instance, a flag officer had his gig manned by Indians. They make active and very obedient seamen, but are never remarkable for strength. The whole number of them who now go to sea, does not, however, probably exceed a hundred or two.
* The writer, while in America, heard an anecdote which may give some idea of the notions of retributive justice which linger so long in the philosophy of an Indian, and which is, probably, the basis of his desire for revenge, since he is well known to be as eminently grateful as he is vindictive. The whalers always take their reward in a portion of the profits of the voyage. An Indian made several voyages in succession, in the same ship; he found, at his return, that bad luck, advances,] and the supplies of an extravagant family at home, left him always in debt. “What shall I do?” was the question put to his owner, as each unfortunate balance was exhibited. “You must go to sea.” To sea he went, and, as stated, for four or five years, always with the same result. At length, good fortune, with a proper amount of preventive castigation on his improvident wife, before he sailed, brought the balance on his side. The money was of course tendered; but for a long time he refused to receive it, insisting that justice required that his owners should now go to sea, where it would seem he had not enjoyed himself quite as much as he believed the other party to the contract had done on shore.
I accompanied Cadwallader on a visit to a conhexion, who lives within forty miles of New-York, on the adjacent island of Nassau. (Long Island.) The uncle of my friend was a man of an extensive hereditary estate, on which there might have been a reservation of a few thousand acres of woods. While shooting over this forest, one day, the proprietor asked me if I felt any desire to see an Indian king. Surpised at such a question, in such a place, an explanation was requested. He told me that an Indian, who claimed to be a descendant of the ancient Sachems, then held his court in his woods, and that a walk of fifteen minutes would bring us into the presence of King Peter. We went.
I found this Indian, dwelling with his family, in a wigwam of a most primitive construction. It was in the form of a bee-hive, or rather ofa very high dome. The covering was made of a long, tough grass, that grows near the sea, and the texture was fine and eve beautiful. A post in the centre supported the fabric, which was shaped by delicate curving poles. A hole in the top admitted the light, and allowed the smoke to pass out; and the fire was near enough to the upright post to permit a kettle to be suspended from one of its knots (or cut branches) near enough to feel the influence of the heat. The door was a covering of mats, and the furniture consisted of a few rude chairs, baskets, and a bed; that was neither savage, nor yet such as marks the civilized man. The attire of the family was partly that of the one condition, and partly that of the other. The man himself was a full-blooded Indian, but his manner had that species
The manufacture of basket and brooms is a common employment of all the Indians who reside near the settlements. They feed on game, and, sometimes, like the gypsies, they make free with poultry, though in common they are rigidly honest; nearly always so, unless corrupted by much intercourse with the whites. With the proceeds of their labour they purchase blankets, powder, and such other indulgences as exceed their art to manufacture. King Peter, I was told, claimed a right, in virtue of his royal descent, to cut saplings to supply his materials, on any estate in the island. He was permitted to enjoy this species of feudal privilege in quiet, it being well understood that he was not exceed a certain discretion in its exercise.
In the more interior parts of the country, I frequently met families of the Indians, either travellinig, or proceeding to some village, with their wares. They were all alike, a stunted, dirty, and degraded race. Sometimes they encamped in the forests, lighted their fires, and remained for weeks in a place; and at others, they kept roaming daily, until the time arrived when they should return to their reservations.
The reservations in the old States, and with tribes that cannot aspire to the dignity of nations, are managed on a sufficiently humane principle. The laws of the State, or of the United States, have jurisdiction there, in all matters between white men, or between a white man and an Indian; but the Indians themselves are commonly permitted to control the whole of their own internal policy. Bargains, exceeding certain amounts, are not valid between them and the whites, who cannot, for instance, purchase
A a 2
I saw reservations in which no mean advances bad been made in civilization. Farms were imperfectly tilled, and cattle were seen grazing in the fields. Still, civilization advances slowly among a people who consider labour a degration, in addition tothe bodily dislike that all men have to its occupations.
There are many of these tribes, however, who fill a far more important, and altogether a remarkable position. There is certainly no portion of country within the admitted boundaries of the United States, in which their laws are not paramount, if they choose to exert them. Still, savage communities do exist within these limits, with whom they make treaties, against whom they wage open war, and with whom they make solemn peace. As a treaty is, by the constitution, the paramount law of the land, the several States are obliged to respect their legal provisions.
That neither the United States, nor any individual State, has ever taken possession of any land that, by usage or construction, might be decreed the property of the Indians, without a treaty and a purchase, is, I believe, certain. How far an equivalent is given, is another question: though I fancy that these bargains are quite as just as any that are ever driven between the weak and the strong, the intelligent and the ignorant. It is not pretended that the value of the territory gained is paid for; but the purchase is rather a deference to general principles of justice and humanity, than a concession to a right in the Indians, which itself might admit of a thousand legal quibles. The treaties are sufficiently humane, and, although certain borderers, who possess the power of the white man with the disposition of the savage, do sometimes violate their conditions, there is no just
You have seen that the expenses of the war department of this government, for the year 1826, was 6,243,236 dollars. Among other charges, I find the following items included in the gross amount. The sums are all in dollars. Civilization of Indians, 14,914; presents to Indians, 16,387; contigencies of Indian department, 130,542; general councils with Indians on Lake Superior, 270,000; relief of the Florida Indians, 7,249; treaties with ditto, 3,218; Creek treaties, 109,471; Choctwa treaty, 2,056; Choctaw schools, 2,804; treaties with Choctaws and Chickasaws, 15,000; other Indian treaties, 183,568; annuities to Indians, 243,542, &c. &c.
The annuities are sums paid for grants of land. At the treaties, presents are always made to the tribes, and the agents and sub-eagents are men employed to maintain the influence of teh goverment, and at the same time, to see that the rights of the Indians are respected.
There is a bureau of the war department that is called the “office of the Indian affairs.” A humane and discreet individual is at its head, and a good deal is endeavoured to be done in mitigatinig the sufferings and in meliorating the condition of the Indians, though, owing to the peculiar habits and opinions of these people, but little, I fear, is effected. I see by the report of the current year, (1827) that, in nine months, requisitions towards the support of the objects of this bureau, were made to the amount of 759,116 dollars, or at the rate of a little more than a million of dollars a year. This, you will remember, is one-tenth of the current expenditure of the whole government, and nearly as much as is paid for the support of the whole civil list, strictly speaking.
The government, it would appear by the reports, puts the utmost latitude on the construction of their constitutional powers, by even paying money for the support of missionaries among the Indians. I believe, however, that the alleged and legal object of this charge, is for general instruction, though in point of fact, the teachers are missionaries. They are of all sects, Protestant and Catholic, the question of creed being never discussed at all. I see by the reports, that (in 1827) there were 1231 scholars in the different schools that come under the superintendence of the governmenta. It is not probable that all the Indians belonging to the tribes that receive this instruction, much exceed, if indeed they reach, the total number of 30,000. I think it is therefore apparent, that quite as good provison for elementary instruction is made in behalf of the of the Indians, as is commonly made for the people of any country, except those of the United States themselves. There is no reason to suppose that all children who present themselves, are not taught; and there is much reason for believing that efforts are constantly making to induce all to come. The number of teachers in 293, which is quite enough to instruct ten times the number. You are not to suppose, however, that all these teachers are men hired expressly for that purpose. They are the missionaries, their wives and families, and some of them are for the purpose of instructing in the arts of life, as well as in reading and writing. Much of the expense is defrayed by charitable associations. The sum actually paid by the government for the express object of instruction, is 7,150 dollars, or enough to maintain rather more than forty teachers at stipends of 150 dollars each. It is probable that
Where there is much intercourse between the very strong and very weak, there is always a tendency in the human mind to suspect abuses of power. I shall not descend into the secret impulses the give rise to these suspicions; but in this stage of the world, there is no necessity for suspecting a nation like this of any unprovoked wrongs against a people like the savage. The inroad of the whites of the United State has never been marked by the gross injustice and brutality that have distinguished similar inroads elsewhere. The Indians have never been slain except in battle, unless by lawless individuals; never hunted by blood-hounds, or in any manner aggieved, except in the general, and, perhaps, in some degree, justifiable invasion of a territory that they did not want, nor could not use. If the government of the United States was poor and necessitous, one might suspect it of an unjust propensity; but not onlu the facts, but the premises, would teach us to believe the reverse.
A great, humane, and, I think, rational project, is now in operation to bring the Indians within the pale of civilization. I shall furnish you with its outline as it is detailed in a recent report of the head of the Indian office.
Most, if not all of the Indians who reside east of the Mississippi, live within the jurisdiction of some State or of some territory. In most cases they are left to the quiet enjoyment of the scanty rights which they retain; but the people of their vicinity commonly wish to get ird of neighbours that retard civilization, and who are so often troublesome. The policy of States is sometimes adverse to their continuance. Though there is no power, except that of the United States, which can effect their removal without their own consent, the State authorities can
West of the Mississippi they still hold large regions that belong to no State or territory. They propose to several tribes (Choctaws, Chickasaws, Cherokees, &c.) to sell their present possessions, improvements, houses, fences, stock, &c., and to receive, in return, acre for acre, with the same amount of stock, fences, and every other auxiliary of civilization they now possess. The inducements to make this exchange are as follow:—Perpetuity to their establishments, since a pledge is given that no title shall ever be granted that may raise a pretext for another removal; an organization of a republican, or, as it is termed, a territorial government for them, such as now exist in Florida, Arkansas, and Michigan; protection, by the presence of troops; and a right to send delegates to Congress, similar to that now enjoyed by the other terrritories.
If the plan can be effected, there is reason to think that the constant diminution in the numbers of the Indians will be checked, and that a race, about whom there is so much that is poetic and fine in recollection, will be preserved. Indeed, some of the southern tribes have already endured the collision with the white man, and are still slowly on the increase. As one of these tribes, at least, (the Chickasaws,) is included in this plan, there is just ground to hope that the dangerous point of communication has been passed, and that they may continue to advance in civilization to maturity. The chief of the bureau on Indian affairs gives it as his opinion that they (the
Should such a territory be formed, a nucleus will be created, around which all the savages of the west, who have any yearnings for a more meliorated state of existence, can rally. As there is little reluctance to mingle the white and red blood, (for the physical difference is far less than in the case of the blacks, and the Indians have never been menial slaves,) I think an amalgamation of the two races would in time occur. Those families of America who are thought to have any of the Indian blood, are rather proud of their descent, and it is a matter of boast among many of the most considerable persons of Virginia, that they are descended from the renowned Pocahontas.
The character of the American Indian has been too often faithfully described to need any repetition here. The majority of them, in or near the settlements, are an humbled and much degreaded race. As you recede become visible; even there, are far from being the interesting and romantic heroes that poets love to paint, there are specimens of loftiness of spirit, of bearing, and of savage heroism, to be found among the chiefs, that might embarras the fertility of the richest invention to equal. I met one of those heroes of the desert, and a finer physical and moral man, allowing for peculiarity of condition, it has rarely been my good fortune to encounter.
Peterlasharroo, or the young knife chief of the Pawnees, when I saw him, was a man of some six or seven-and-twenty years. He had already gained renown as a warrior, and he had won the confidence of his tribe by repeated exhibitions of wisdom and moderation. He had been signally useful in destroying
Washington,—
You can scarcely expect a very minute description of what I have seen in my southern tour. Still I may put a few general facts before your eyes, in a new, and, perhaps, not uninteresting manner.
The eleven slave-holding States of this confederation contain about 489,000 square miles of territory. If Arkansas and the Floridas (not yet States) shall be included, they will swell the amount to about 600,000, or something northern, or free States, including the whole thirteen northern, or free States, including Michigan, which, together, cover a surface of 334,000 square miles. Thus, you see, that about one-half of the whole computer territory of the United States is so far settled, as to have arrived at the point of establishing the State or territorial governments. But there is no probability that any other community will bespeedily formed, on this side of the Rocky Mountains, of sufficient importance to aspire to the possession of a separate government. The Prairies, and the deserts of the west, present natural obstacles to the further progress of the population in that quarter; and climate opposes a serious reason to the comfortable existence of man towards the north-west. That all these regions will, in time, come to have a population of their own, is certain; but, in a country where there is still so much room for the employment of men, that day is necessarily distant.
I have estimated the whole white population, who aren ow in possession of these 600,000 square miles, at 3,500,000, and the blacks at less than 1,900,000
Vol
. II
In forming an idea of the appearance of a country thus inhabited, in addition to the general fact of districts that are entirely untenanted, you are to call into view the peculiar division of property which occurs on nearlu all the coast. Extensive plantations, on which none but the best land is worked, make fearful interruptions in the agricultural character of
But there are States, or parts of States, that present a very different picture. Some of the counties of Maryland and Virginia are in a high degree beautiful; and the uplands of the Carolinas and Georgia are of an entirely different character from the coasts. Tennessee has not only a fine climate and a fertile soil, but a population that, in common, might vie with the population of any country for all the best attributes of man.
You will see that the great physical force of this nation, however, lies in the more northern States. If we except Kentucky, Tennessee, and the uplands generally, I think this must long continue to be the fact. The arts of life are more cultivated there than to the south; and as they get still more into use, men will cling to their indulgence with all the tenacity of acquired habits. Emigration to the south-western States has been chiefly fed by Virginia, Georgia, and the two Carolinas. These four States contained, in 1790, 1,463,982, and in 1820, 2,535,493. Emigration to the new northern States has been chiefly fed by New-England. In 1790, New-England had 1,909,522 souls; and in 1820, 1,659,864. Here you see that the rate of increase is rather in favour of the latter; but if we look into the increase of the States that have been fed by this emigration, it will be found to be still more in favour of the northern portion of the country. In 1790, all the free States had 2, 033,248 inhabitants, and in 1820, 5,225,117. In 1790, all the slave-holding States contained 1,890,080 souls; and in 18520, 4,400,617. Here you see that, notwithstanding the vast superiority of the southern States over the northern in extent, the increase of population in the latter is in a ratio considerably in their favourcapital
, the excess is nearly 400,000 too many for the regular proportion of the increase. It is also known that many adventurers go from the northern States into the southern, while comparatively few southern men come north, though it is certainly done. If we take 6,500,000 as the present population of the northern States, (and I believe it is within bounds,) there will remain 5, 500,000 for the southern. This will show again that the southern States are beginning to maintain their own; but their present growth is more owing to the vast regions Of fertile land that have lately been opened for sale at the south, than to natural increase, since every man who emigrates counts two in the amount of comparative numbers.
The inducements that carry the northern man far south, must be exceedingly strong to overcome the effects of climate, and the repugnance he is apt to feel to slavery. Still these inducements do exist, and in some parts of the country the climate itself is among the reasons for emigration. It is the coast, chiefly, which is unhealthy; and even on the coast, there are found many delightful and salubrious situations, where northern men gladly resort for the purposes of trade. It is quite natural that the northern population, having occupied most of their own best lands, should begin to find their way into the southern, and particularly into the south-western States.
There is a considerable difference of character between the people of the northern, and between some of the people of the southern States of this Union. I do not allude to the distinctive traits which form the habits of a border man, and a man of the towns; for these exist between the frontier inhabitant of New-York and the inhabitant of the city of that
The owner of slaves, whatever may be his correlative standing with men of his own colour, is a species of aristocrat, so far as manners are concerned. He is kept, in his own person, from the pursuits and employments that are commonly thought to degrade men, and of course he acquires the opinions of a superior caste. Where opportunity of sufficient association is allowed, he gets the habits, also, of this caste. I am of opinion, that in proportion to the population, there are more men who belong to what is termed the class of gentlemen, in the old southern States of America than in any other country of the world. So far as pride in themselves, a courteous air, and a general intelligence, are concerned, they are, perhaps, quite on a level with the gentry of any other country, though their intelligence must necessarily be chiefly of that sort which is obtained by the use of books, rather than of extensive familiarity with the world. In respect to conventional manners, they are not so generally finished as the upper classes of other countries, or even of some classes in their own; though I do not know where to find gentlemen of better air or better breeding throughout, than most of those I have met in the southern
Atlantic
States.
The American who has had the advantage of early association with men of breeding, and who possesses the advantages of fortune and education, occupies a station in society that the gentleman, or nobleman, of no country of different political institutions can ever fill. He sees, and knows that he exists without a superior. He has wealth, and manner, and education, and beyond this, neither he nor any of his countrymen can go. No man can, in truth, go beyond them any where; though artificial distinctions may have the
B b 2below
the consideration that these advantages should produce. So long as society shall be governed by its ordinary and natural feelings, it is not possible to deprive money, intelligence, and manners, of their influence; but it is quite possible to give an artificial importance to other causes of distinction, to which society must bend by its own ordinances. It is true, that in some countries, actual power is connected with nominal rank; but it is just as true, that actual power is to be attained in America, though by different means. Thus, the English gentleman may become a peer, and the American gentleman may become a Senator; and, although the former is certain of transmitting his rank to his posterity, still it is a rank which, while it has many inferiors, has some superiors. The American who sees himself in possession of the three great requisites of an elevated condition, meets the President as an equal, Who is intrusted for a time, with honourable powers, but who merely fills a station that he himself may one day occupy,
It is the fashion of Europe to talk a great deal of the levelling institutions of the United States. I have elsewhere said, that elevating would be a better word. It is difficult to conceive how institutions that admit of the strongest temptations for every man to aspire, can have the effect of placing a nation below the level of other communities. All rational theory, and what is of far more importance, the facts, prove exactly the reverse. I would defy any nation on earth to produce as many men (and women too) as the United States, allowing for their opportunities and their numbers, who have reached a creditable moral elevation of character. I include manners, no less than principles, intelligence, and other requisites. That this class will increase, both in quality and quantity, as the population becomes more dense, is,
Let us suppose these States inhabited by one hundred millions of people. It is, for our present purpose, a matter of indifference whether they shall live under one government, or under twenty. Their men of fortune, breeding, and education, have reached the acme of human elevation, (of course no allusion is intended religion,) for a patent of nobility does nothing towards raising the qualifications of its possessor, however it may serve to depress his inferiors. We will suppose some four or five millions of these men acknowledging, and actually possessing no earthly superior, in full communion with the rest of the world. What do you think will be their effect on the condition, of society? They will claim to be equal to ranks that are admitted to be superior to the immense majorities of other nations. Nor do I see how their claim is, well to be denied. They will be quite equal in manners, in general elevation of character, (even admitting that they shall be subdivided again and again as States in political power.) and they will insist on being equal, in society, to the highest ranks of other countries. Now, my dear Somersetshire baronet, what are we to do in order to maintain our present unquestionable superiority over these gentry, who are contriving to get above us by their levelling institutions. We cannot pistol them down, for, unhappily, a democrat can shoot as well as an aristocrat, and in point of numbers, they will be ten to one; we cannot laugh them down, for the joke will be on their side; we cannot look them down, for they will have a full share of the substantials, and by present symptoms, I think they will have more; nor can we send them to Coventry, for, independently of getting so many motley nations as Europe contains, to be exactly of one mind, they will care less about the association than we.
I have been led into this train of reflections, by studying the character of the better classes of these people, more especially as I have found them in the southern States. Their conventional manners vary, of course, according to circumstances; but that high and manly principle of fearless independence, which is almost peculiar to this country, forms a conspicuous feature in their characters. I very well know, that where manners are wanting, this bold quality may make men exacting and coarse; but where manners do prevail, and, considering the circumstances, they prevail here to an extraordinary degree, it makes men truly noble.
Slavery is not favourable to the milder qualities in the master. It may polish, but it never subdues his manner. But he who governs many human beings, without having much intercourse with his equals, is apt to acquire habits of impatience and self-will. That these qualities exist in a much greater degree in the southern than in the northern States of America, is, I believe, undeniable; though I do not think they exist to the degree that the theory would lead us to suppose.
The accounts of the violence and vindictive tempers of the people of the southern States of America are, I am quite satisfied, grossly exaggerated, not only in Europe, but in America itself. It is commonly sufficient that rare exceptions of any thing extraordinary should occur, any where, to give circulation to reports that such things are distinctive of national character. I recollect to have seen a caricature, in the Palais Royal, of an Englishman leading his wife to be sold with a halter round her neck; and I make no doubt, that to thousands of the spectators it coveyed an idea of a common national usage, if not of a law. When I descended the Ohio and the Mississippi, it was not done without some terror for my eyes; but I cannot say that I saw any body gouged
I have elsewhere alluded to the duels of America, and as they may properly be introduced here, we will endeavour to discuss the subject. Personal combats are, beyond a doubt, the relics of an age when man had the desires of high civilization, without any other means of attaining them than by appeals to force. The principle on which they are grounded, says, that a man is willing to prove that he cares less for his life than he does for his reputation. I fear, too, that more or less of a desire to punish aggression, or of personal feelings are mingled with the sentiment; but as it is a chivalrous subject, we will give it its most chivalrous construction. In the eastern States of America, in New-York, (the city of that name excepted,) and in parts of Ohio and Pennsylvania, duels are less frequent than, perhaps, in any other civilized country, especially in a country where men have as high a respect for themselves as they have in this. My friend, who has known the more western counties New-York intimately for thirty years, assures me that he does not recollect but one duel in all that time, and that was fought full five and-twenty years ago. He does not pretend that this combat stands alone; but he thinks that he should have heard of them had there been many more. He also excepts those meetings which took place between officers while the troops and seamen were
Next to this class, which is very numerous in the portions of country named, come those who live in the great towns, and all the rest of the middle States. Duelling is about as common in this portion of the country, as it is in France or in England. Perhaps the older parts of Virginia and the two Carolinas may be included in this division; though, as it is thought, and I believe justly, that men in warm climates have quicker and more sensitive passions than men in colder, it is possible they may be rather more frequent.
The whole of the remainder of the Union may be
It is necessary, however, to bear in mind one circumstance which has had a great influence in obtaining a character for the Americans, not only as duellists, but as a semi-barbarous people, in Europe. Nothing occurs the least out of the ordinary course of events, and in which the law is offended, that does not go the rounds of their thousands journals. It is also fair to suppose that the ingenuity of an editor on a remote frontier is often at a loss to give interest to his sheet, and that when an opportunity does occur, he suffers none of the more interesting, which is always the exciting, portion of the incidents to be kept in shadow.
A century ago, men met in detachments of five and six on a side, to settle some trifling point of honour between two. After this, it was thought that every man might purge himself of disgrace in his own person. Swords were used, until common sense began to teach men that it was folly to pre-suppose the same degree of strength and personal activity and skill in any two men. Then came pistols. For a long time (the practice still exists in some places) the injured party was to call out the offender, and to stand up and be shot at, before he could with propriety get a chance to redress his wrongs. This practice can surely only be accounted for by supposing that the object of the challenger was to purge himself of disgrace by risking his life.
As I understand the matter, the rough, steady, unaccommodating fashion, which the Americans have of viewing things, had long induced them to chafe under these equivocal practices. Common sense did its work thoroughly on a great proportion of the nation,
This system of stripping a thing, that is foolish in itself, of all its inconsistent folly, has brought the custom under a certain set of rules. The true object of every duel is, or it ought to be, to exhibit courage
It is quite plain that fighting is a serious thing, and serious things become a little absurd, unless done in a serious manner. But it is plain, that there must be a medium in the serious character of a duel, or men might put the pistols into each other's mouths at once, and then absurdity on the other side, would be gained, and a practice, that is sufficiently foolish in itself, is obliged to get as near the true medium as possible, or it could not exist in a common sense nation. This little prelude brings us to the field of battle.
The American brings on the ground, just as much skill with the weapon he is to use, as he can; which, you will see, is just what the swordsman did, or the great masters of the art, the ancient chivalry of Europe. When confronted to his antagonist, he finds himself thrown on the severest possible trial of his steadiness and nerves, or on the very quality whose prepossession he came thus to prove. He knows that his life is the penalty of a blunder, just as a false guard would have been fatal with the other weapon. The result is, certainly, that, perhaps, in every two or three duels, one men falls, and, in almost all, somebody is hurt. The usual forms are much as they are
Vol.
II.
With respect to the causes of the frequency of the American duels, a great deal can be said. The military and naval men have fought more duels than they would otherwise have done, on account of their long peace. Swords get impatient of quiet, and courage is a quality so vital to a soldier, that he is often uneasy until he has had an opportunity of proving its existence. They are said to be much less frequent now than formerly; especially, when the increased number of the officers is remembered.
Duels of mere manners are, if any thing, (out of the two services,) less common here than in Europe, The Doctors' Commons heals no breaches in the United States. The offence is rare, but the pistol is always the proctor. I am inclined to think that the political institutions of the nations by bringing men of different breeding and education, more in contact than they are found in other countries, give rise to many duels.
The frequent recurrence of the elections, while they render the polls more quiet than they would be under any other system, produce a greater proportion of grave political quarrels than elections do, for instance, in England. Then the dispersed, secluded situation of the planters, in the southern States, has a tendency to foster morbid sensibility, while their habits bring them, frequently, into a species of irritating association.
The laws of England, and of most of the States of this country, are the same on the subject of duels. To kill a man in any violent rencontre, which can be readily avoided, is, by the common law, murder. Nor is it a legal plea, that mere honour was a sufficiently compulsory motive. Now, the same common sense and directness of thought, which, in some cases, makes the American refuse to fight at all, and induces him, in others, to fight in a reasonably dangerous manner, produces another difference in the practices of the mother and child, on this subject, In England, when a man is killed in a duel, the survivor is tried, and all things being found fair, he is acquitted according to opinion, and not according to law; whereas, in America, the direct and unaccommodating way these people have of considering matters, precludes such a result. The law is the same as in England, but their construction on it would be different. A man, who had killed another in a duel, would, most probably, be sentenced to be hanged,
The people of this country have fought many duels with the English, while they scarcely ever fight with any other foreigners. This was, perhaps, for many reasons, to be expected. Their wars were irritating; their policy has often been conflicting; and the citizen of the young nation may have often been too sensitive, and the subject of the old nation may sometimes have been too exacting. I know no more of the matter than that the people of both nations think that their own countrymen have been right in these quarrels, and the foreigners wrong; which is only another proof that there is no great reason in any thing that appertains to the practice.
No hospitality, kindness, or courtesy, can exceed that of most of the planters of the southern States of this confederation. It was a practice, long in use, for a stranger to drive up to the door of a dwelling, of any pretension, and to ask food and lodging for the night. The custom is not entirely neglected, even now, though increased travelling, and the greater frequency of inns, have conspired to put a stop to it. This freedom of intercourse is, clearly, no more than a natural consequence of simplicity of manners, and of absence of suspicion. It is even practised in the northern States. I remember to have seen a country-house, which had the air of the residence of a man of fortune, while travelling in the interior of New-York. Cadwallader demanded its owner's name of a man by the road side. “It is near dinner-time,”compliment
;” I was then introduced, and we found the dinner so abundant, and the wines so delicious (to say nothing of the young ladies) that we were induced to stay till next day for a second trial. In fifty other instances, have gentlemen who had heard of our presence in their neighbourhoods, ridden miles to meet us, and to invite us to their dwellings; and I do firmly believe, that through Virginia and the Carolinas, and in several other States, we might have travelled without spending a sixpence, or eating, drinking, or sleeping in an inn. Indeed, I am persuaded that this hospitality is one reason why the inns are not better in the southern States, for, out of the towns, they are generally worse than they are found to be farther north.
From what I have written, you must have already gathered that the southern States are to be divided into two classes of society, or, rather, that in some instances, one State may, in itself, contain both. I allude to the material difference which exists between the small proprietors, who are, to all intents, capital farmers, with from four, or even from one, to twenty slaves, and the great planters, who own several hundreds. The former generally grow wheat, corn,
C c 2
But I have not room, or knowledge enough, to enter into the endless details which such a state of society, and regions so vast, can produce. You will see some curious accounts of manners and customs in the “Letters from the South,” a book that is ascribed to Mr. Paulding, an American writer, who stands among the highest of his countrymen for talent, and who, being a gentleman generally known to his countrymen, has had the best opportunities for observing their manners in those parts of the country that he has visited.
Boston,—
I arrived
here about a fortnight since, in order to see the town, and to witness a ceremony that took place yesterday. Before attempting a description of the latter, I shall give a brief answer to your question concerning the movements of your countryman.
During, my recent excursions to the south, I freruently met La Fayette, who has now been in nearly all, if not in every one, of the twenty-four States of this Union. So far from the warmth and cordiality of his reception having in the least abated, he is just as much the object of affectionate and sincere attention
Among the different public exhibitions got up on this occasion, there was one which is worthy of being particularly mentioned, by its singularity. There is a great deal of wood used in the construction of most American houses. Until within the last twenty years a great many in New-York (more especially in the less pretending quarters of the town) were built of this material altogether. There are, consequently, an extraordinary number of fires in that city. Fires are infinitely more frequent in all parts of America than in Europe, from this very cause. In a city like New-York, it is also a consequence of frequent danger from such an enemy, that there exist admirable skill and preparation to subdue it. It is often said, and, from repeated observation I believe it to be true, that the firemen of New-York are more expert and adventurous than those of any other town in the world. When an alarm is given, the citizens, in general, give themselves no trouble in the matter, unless chance has placed them in the immediate vicinity of the danger. The cry is sounded by boys and repeated by the firemen themselves, for a minute or two, and then a few or more bells, according to the degree of the danger, ring the alarm. In the day these frequent cries produce no extraordinary sensation, but when they break in upon the stillness and security of the night, I scarcely know a more startling or disagreeable interruption to one's slumbers. There is a defect in this part of the arrangement, though it is difficult to see how it can be well remedied under the present system. The firemen are citizens; chiefly shop-keepers and mechanics, and they pursue their ordinary employments at all
I remember to have been at one of these fires in the night. A vast pile of pine boards, which filled a lot adjoining a row of noble brick houses, was in flames when I reached the place. Within fifty feet, on the other side, there stood a small temporary wooden building. The sheets of the element flashed upwards against a battlement of brick, which they even surmounted, and bending like the tongue of the serpent, they wound themselves along the cornices of the adjoining dwelling. It was too late to save much of the lumber, and all the attention of the firemen was given to the buildings. Engine arrived after engine, with great rapidity; and with the most beautiful accuracy, the captain of each machine took his station in the place he was ordered to occupy. There might have been two thousand persons collected at the spot; but scarcely any other sound was heard than the whizzing of the streams of water, the strokes of the engines, and the crackling of the conflagration. Water was thrown from one machine to another, by means of conducting leathern tubes. One of those, near which I stood, burst. I followed the man who was sent on the errand that immediately succeeded the discovery of the accident. He approached a carriage loaded with the article he needed, and communicated the fact; “So many feet of hose,” said the person to whom he addressed himself, with perfect quiet; it was supplied, and the damage was repaired without the slightest confusion, and without the least unnecessary delay. From time to time, the flames were seen kindling on the roof of a small wooden building, and then the engine nearest the conflagration directed its stream, for an instant, to the spot. No rifleman could have sent his deadly
The families continued in the adjoining houses, and the proprietor of the building next the lumber, resolutely refused to open his doors for the removal of the furniture, though his cornices were frequently blazing. He was right; for the steadiness, activity, and skill of the firemen, soon reduced the glaring torrent of the elements to a pile of black smouldering ruin.
The ceremony to which I alluded in the opening of this letter, was a review of these firemen by La Fayette. The engines, with their companies, were all assembled in the little park (paddock would be a better name,) in front of the City Hall. These engines bear some such comparison to the engines of Europe, as the English mail-coaches, on a birth-day, bear to the ordinary French diligences in the provinces. No nobleman's carriage is more glossy, neater, or, considering their respective objects, of more graceful form. They are also a little larger than those we see on our side of the Atlantic, though not in the least clumsy. When La Fayette had passed in front of these beautiful and exquisitely neat machines, they formed themselves in a circle. At a signal the engines were played, and forty limpid streams shot upward, toward an imaginary point in the air. It appeared to me that they all reached that point at the same instant, and their water uniting, they formed a
jet d'eau
that was as remarkable for its conceit as for its beauty.
But the ceremony yesterday, was of a very different description. It was the anniversary of the battle of Bunker's hill. Fifty years ago, the yeomanry of New England first met the battalions of England, in open and deadly conflict. The affair of Lexington had occurred a few weeks earlier; but, though blood was first drawn in that straggling contest, it neither
In the battle of Bunker's hill, the Americans had no positive leader. A thousand men, chiefly youths under the age of five-and-twenty, passed over in the night from the adjacent country, into the peninsula of Charlestown. It was intended to occupy a high conical eminence called Bunker's hill, at the distance of long cannon-shot from the batteries in the town of Boston. By some mistake, the working party advanced much nearer to the enemy, and took possession of a much lower ridge of land, that terminated suddenly at a short distance in their front, quite near to the shore. The latter hill was, in fact, known by the name of Breed's.States
was then unknown.
* Bunker and Breed are the names of two families of New-England. Individuals of those names were, or had been, the owners of the two hills in question.
There was an eminent physician in Boston, of the name of Warren, who had acted a conspicuous part in all the political measures that preceded the quarrel. This person was distinguished for his high moral intrepidity. As he was a man in the vigour of life, and of a daring mind, the provincial congress of Massachusetts had chosen him a major-general in their levies, only the day before the battle.
General Warren appeared on Breed's hill in theGeneral
Warren, fell, by a musket-ball which passed through his head.
The exceeding merit and unquestionable patriotism, no less than the high rank which this gentleman was destined by his countrymen to fill, induced them to consider his loss, and very justly, as the greatest calamity that befell them on that day. A small, unpretending monument, of very perishable materials, had, therefore, been erected to his memory, on the precise spot where he fell. But it is now intended to rear a column in granite, which shall be more worthy of the great occasion, and more in conformity with the augmented means of the State, to perpetuate an event which is deemed to be so creditable to their exertions in the conflict. The ceremony of yesterday was to lay the corner-stone of this monument.
I shall not pretend to enter into a detail of proceedings that were alike noble and affecting. Tens of thousands were on the hill, and Mr. Webster, a distinguished citizen of Boston, addressed his countrymen
Boston is a wealthy, a thriving, and decidedly a picturesque town. It stands on an uneven surface, and it occupies nearly the whole of a peninsula of several miles in circuit. Large villages are rising on the adjoining shores, at the different points where the numerous bridges connect the town with what may be called the main. The population, within a circumference of twelve miles, must, I think, exceed eighty thousand souls. The harbour is beautiful, and dotted with islands. It is one of the most secure in America, and would easily contain five or six hundred sail. But there is no fixing its limits, as it is several miles to the open sea, and warehouses might be erected to advantage on most of the islands, especially if a few breakwaters were constructed.
One of the best, and the oldest of the universities of the United States, is within a few miles of Boston. We visited this institution, as well as that of Yale, in our journey to this place. We dined in the commons of the latter, with one of the tutors. I was struck with one circumstance on this occasion, which, as it is in striking contrast with what occurs in the universities of the mother country, I shall mention.
Cadwallader has a kinsman at Yale, who is descended
“There is a singular but gross error prevalent in Europe,” said my friend, “on the subject of the influence of wealth in America. Money is a positive good every where, since it buys not only necessaries, but commands, in a greater or less degree, the respect of those who wish to profit by it. But money is more within the reach of individuals here than any where else, at least, a sufficiency of money to leave men in the possession of those independent feelings which belong to nature, and which must be suppressed by some artificial cause, or they will be found in every bosom, inasmuch as they depend on the inherent qualities of pride and will. I think money of more importance in. England, than in any country I
Vol.
II.parvenu.
“Now, what can be more absurd than the fact that grave English writers are constantly affirming that there is no other ground of distinction in America than money? This incessant habit of asserting so glaring a falsehood can only proceed from a consciousness of the exorbitant influence of wealth among themselves. There is no sort of doubt, that when money is united to merit and talent, in the United States, it can do more than when the latter qualities stand unsupported by so powerful an ally; but among all the unjust and ridiculous charges brought against us, there is not one more absurd than this, that money places men in power, or at the head of society, or high in the estimation of their fellow-citizens. With the exception of the Patroon, there is not a decidedly wealthy man in the whole representation of the State of New-York. Mr. Clinton is notoriously very poor. Of all the Presidents, only one could be called rich. There is not a man of any great fortune in any one of the higher offices of the
“As to society, it must always support that part of its influence which is dependent on show and expense, by money; but in large towns, where there is competition in wealth, as in other things, money does but little in this way, and it is every hour doing less. You scarcely saw a
parvenu
, unless he had merit, (and a large proportion of our
parvenus
have merit,) in the circle into which I introduced you, though you saw a vast number of men of breeding and character, who had very little money. It is impossible to prevent people who have money from riding in coaches and giving entertainments, and it is not possible to prevent people of grovelling minds from envying them these enjoyments; but it is possible for a community to be so constituted as to limit the superiority of mere money; and if such a community exists on the globe, it exists here. I dare say that men who have made their money, get purse-proud, in the United States, as they do in other places; but it must be proved that men who have not money are abject, and time-serving, and spiritless, before any thing is made out towards establishing that money does more in America than it does in France, or half as much as it does in England.”
I must say, that my own observations confirm this opinion. There was a beautiful simplicity in the conduct of young—, that denoted an entire absence of the coarser influence of money, and which spoke volumes in favour of the wise regulations of the institutions of his college. I am assured, and, so far as opportunity will allow me to speak, I have every where seen the most perfect and just equality in the
Washington,—
My
pen grows weary, for I have seen so much, and written so little to the purpose, that I feel disposed to throw it away altogether. After making the tour of the coast of New-England, and seeing all its large towns, I have returned here to prepare for my departure. I cannot quit the country, however, without giving you a summary of the information I
D d 2
The first reflection that is excited in the mind of an intelligent foreigner, after visiting these States, is an inquiry into the causes that have affected so much with means so limited, and in a time so short. A century ago, the whole of the 1,000,000 of square miles that are now more or less occupied by these people, did not contain a million of souls. So late as the year 1776, the population was materially under 3,000,000; nor at the time did they actually cover more than 200,000 square miles, if indeed they covered as much. But since the peace of 1783, activity, enterprise, intelligence, and skill, appear to have been contending with each other, and they have certainly produced a result that the world has never before witnessed. I have heard Europeans say, that when they have heard that the Americans, of whom they had been accustomed to think as dwellers in remote and dark forests, possessed a million of tons of shipping, they believed their neutral character had made their flag a cloak for the enterprise and wealth of other nations. No doubt their commerce was a little unnaturally forced, and many frauds did exist; but the motives for deception have ceased these dozen years, and still America has a million and a half of tonnage. Perhaps no one demonstration of the energy of this population has excited in Europe the surprise that has been created by the boldness and dexterity with which they have constructed canals, that put to shame all similar works any where else. We understand the nature and the expense of this description of public works, and we know how to make a proper estimate of the enterprise necessary to effect them. But although the system of canals, which has broke so suddenly into existence in the United States, within the last ten years, argues an advanced and advancing
Although circumstances have lessened the interest which Europe has felt in America, it may be well questioned, whether the United States do not, at this hour, enjoy a higher consideration, on our side of the Atlantic, than the political doctrines, formerly in fashion, would have given to a people so dispersed, so few in numbers, and so remote. Their vast and growing commerce, alone, makes them an object of the greatest attention; and the sure conviction that the child of that commerce, a marine, is likely soon to play its part in the great game of nations, gives additional interest to this republic. Still our anticipations are vague, founded on data but imperfectly understood, and, at all times, fettered by the prejudices and distinctive opinions of our own hemisphere.
In the first place, the influence of emigration on the growth of the United States has been usually overrated by Europeans. I have had occasion to say, already, that for thirty years it did not add many more than five thousand souls, annually, to the population. The fact is sufficiently known by the returns of the custom-houses, where all masters of vessels are obliged to report the number of their passengers. It is true, that thousands, who leave the mother country for the British provinces, find their way into the republic by land; but, perhaps, an equal number of natives have removed into the Canadas, the upper province of which is nearly, or quite half, peopled by emigrants from the States, or their descendants.
The first, the most important and the least understood, cause of the exceeding advance of the American
Five-and-twenty years ago, engineers from Europe began to make their appearance in America. They brought with them the rules of science, and a competent knowledge of the estimates of force, and the adaptation of principles to results; but they brought them, all calculated to meet the contingencies, of the European man. Experience showed that they neither knew how to allow for the difficulties of a novel situation, nor for the excess of intellect they were enabled to use. Their estimates were always wild, uncertain, and fatal, in a country that was still experimenting. But five-and-twenty years ago was too soon for canals in America. It was wise to wait for a political symptom in a country where a natural impulse will always indicate the hour for action. Though five-and-twenty, or twenty or even
In this sketch of the circumstances under which the New-York canal has been made, we may trace the cause of the prodigious advance of this nation. Some such work as this was necessary to demonstrate to the world, that the qualities which are so exclusively
It is vain to deny the causes or the effects of the American system, dear Béthizy; nor should a man as philanthropic as yourself wish to deny them, since they rest on principles that favour the happiness and prosperity of the human race. We should not cavil about names, nor minor distinctions, in govermnents, if the great and moving principles are such as contemplate the improvement of the species in the mass, and not in exclusive and selfish exceptions.
The second great cause of the advancement of the United States is the abundance which is the consequence of room and of intelligence united, and which admits of so rapid an increase of its positive physical force. It is known that the population has doubled in about twenty-three years, though it is supposed that this rate of increase is gradually diminishing. It is probable that in the next fifty-five years, there will be two more duplications of the amount. Of this number, supposing that slavery continues in its present form, and under its present influences, (two things that cannot be rationally supposed,) seven millions will be slaves, and forty-three millions freemen. But slavery, though on the increase, as a whole, is known
The third cause of the great progress of this country, and it is one intimately blended with all the other moral causes, is the perfect freedom of its civil and religious institutions, which give the utmost possible play to the energies, and the strongest possible inducements to the laudable ambition of man.
There is unquestionably a powerful action and reaction between all these influences, which produce a vast combined result. A rapid review of what has been done in the way of general improvement, in the nation, may serve to give some idea of their effects.
I shall not write here of the condition of the army, and navy, and militia, since enough has been already said to furnish a sufficiently accurate knowledge of those branches of the subject.
The finances of the United States, you know to be prosperous. The public debt, at the close of the last war, (1815,) amounted to about 120,000,000. On the first of October, 1827, it was 68,913,541 dollars. But as seven millions of this debt was created for the purchase of the bank stock so often named, the true debt should not be estimated at more than 61,913,541 dollars. * On the first of January 1828, it was estimated to be 67,413,377 dollars: or, deducting the seven millions for bank stock, at 60,413,377. The writer has since seen it announced, that 5,000,000 of principal will be paid on the 1st of July, 1828, so that the debt of the United States, on that day, will be about 55,413,377 dollars, if the cost of the bank stock shall be deducted. (See next page.)may
be redeemed in 1835, and probably
will
be redeemed, at the present rate of diminution, before the end of the next dozen years, unless some new causes for loans should occur. In addition to these facts, it must be remembered that a stock which pays but three per cent. is never worth par. Thus, if the 13,296,247 of the 3 per cents. can be bought for 80 dollars in the 100, this portion of the debt is also reduced in point of fact to 10,596,968 dollars. So that, all things considered, the whole actual debt of the United States cannot be considered as being more (on the 1st of July, 1828) than 52,714,098 dollars, or something less than 12,000,000 of pounds sterling.
In a country so united in interests, but so separated by distance, a system of extended and easy internal communication is of vital importance. Without it, neither commerce, nor political harmony, nor intelligence, could exist to the degree that is necessary to the objects of the confederation. It has therefore been effected at some cost, but in a manner that is already returning its reward in pecuniary profit, as well as in the other great essentials named. The subject naturally divides itself into three branches, viz, that of information, that of internal trade, and that of personal communication.
For the first, the general post-office, with its numberless dependencies, has been established. The diffusion of intelligence is justly considered by the American statesmen to be no less important to the preservation of their institutions, than to the general advancement of the character and power of the nation. There are in the country about 7000 post-offices, (1828), and a nearly incalculable distance of post route, The chief of this department says, that there is now scarcely an inhabited district of any size in all these vast regions, to which the ramifications
The personal communication is effected by means of stage-coaches and steam-boats. The vast rivers, and the prodigious facilities that are offered by means of the bays, enable passengers to travel with astonishing ease, rapidity and cheapness. The traveller may leave Boston by land; a ride of forty-five miles brings him to Providence; here he embarks for New-York, 200 miles further, by the way of the sound of Long Island; the Raritan carries him to Brunswick; a few miles more of land carriage takes him to the Delaware; the river and bay of that name bring him to Newcastle; three hours by land, and he is on the waters
Vol.
II.
The internal commerce of America exists with the least possible encumbrance. It is conducted chiefly by water, and an immense deal of it is done coastwise, by means of the rivers, that are so many arteries penetrating the country in every direction. A license costs a few dollars, (two I believe,) and when a vessel is provided with such a document, there is no impediment to its passage into any of the public waters of the country. The whole confederation is unqualifiedly one nation in respect to commerce.
The government of the United States is also making certain military roads that are intended to intersect the country in those directions in which water does not flow. In addition to these improvements, States and chartered companies are effecting a vast deal more in the same way, that I have neither the room nor the knowledge necessary to communicate. As the debt is discharged, and larger sums come into the disposal of Congress, it is to be presumed that they will increase the expenditures, by advancing the improvement of the country in all things that properly belong to their power.
In manufactures, the Americans have made immense progress, since their separation from the mother country. The great Lord Chatham declared it should be the policy of England to prevent her colonies from manufacturing even a hobnail; and this plan of monopolizing wealth was tolerably successful, so long as the Americans were dependent on England, and even for many years afterwards. But, although the importations of this country, for home consumption,
The question of protecting manufactures by legislative enactments, is the one which involves more political warmth, at the present time, than any other question of mere policy. Indeed, it may be said to be the only one. The disputants are chiefly men that are immediately interested in the result, though it is certain, that a few leading politicians adopt the opposite sides on policy or on principle. The only real point in dispute is, whether America has reached the period when it has become her interest to encourage her manufactures, at some little expense to her commerce, or rather at some little expense and loss to those who are engaged in particular branches of commerce, since it is obvious that nothing can have a greater tendency to increase the trade between different sections of a country like this, than increasing its objects. A vast deal is said, pro and con, on this subject. One party contends that it will destroy the shipping, and prove fatal to the revenue. If this reasoning be true, then the time is inevitable when the shipping and revenue of the United States must disappear, for nothing is more certain than that the time will come, when a vast proportion of their population will find that no great community can exist in prosperity, without a division of employment. But it is plain that these partisans utter absurdities, since it is a matter of perfect indifference to the citizen to whom or by what process he pays the dollar of duty that he is now obliged to pay for his coat. If the collector of some port does not receive it, some other collector can and will. But this dollar will be paid on an increased price, since the American manufacturer cannot put his goods in the market as cheap as the foreign manufacturer, or he would not ask for protection. This may be true at the moment, and I am of opinion, that, with the exception
The American manufacturer has to contend with one difficulty, that is not known to the manufacturers of other countries. The unobstructed commerce of the United States admits of importations from all quarters, and of course the consumer is accustomed to gratify his taste with the best articles. A French duke might be content to use a French knife or a French lock; but an American merchant would reject both: he knows that the English are better. On the other hand, an English duchess (unless she could smuggle a little) might be content with an English silk; but an American lady would openly dress herself in silk manufactured at Lyons. The same is true of hundreds of other articles. The American
It is impossible to speak with certainty on the details of a question so complicated. A thousand articles are manufactured already, and may be considered as established. Twenty years ago, the Americans imported all their good hats; fifteen years ago, they imported most of their coarse cottons; and ten years ago, they imported most, if not all, of their fine glass and ornamental hardware, such as fire-grates, &c. A vast deal of these importations have ceased, and I am told that, considering the increase of the consumers, they are diminishing daily.
Though the particular matter that is now in dispute may be one of deep interest to certain merchants and manufacturers, it is clearly not the main question. Manufacturing is a pursuit so natural, and one so evidently necessary to all extended communities, that its adoption is inevitable at some day or other. The policy of the Americans wisely leaves them, in all cases except those of extraordinary necessity, (which become exceptions of course,) to the operation of natural influences. Policy will, nineteen times in twenty, indicate its own wants. If it be admitted that a people, who possess the raw materials in abundance, who enjoy the fruits of the earth to an excess that renders their cultivation little profitable, must have recourse to their ingenuity, and to their industry, to find new employments and different sources of wealth, then the Americans must become manufacturers. When the true hour shall arrive, it will be vain to utter speculative reasons, for the wants of the nation will work out their own cure.
E e 2
The vast extent of the United States affords all the means of wealth and comfort that climate, mines, and other natural facilities, can supply. They are known to possess lead, copper, gold, iron, salt, and coal. The lead mines of Missouri are very extensive, and, with little or no skill, are already productive. The gold of Carolina is probably quite as abundant as is desirable. Copper is found in many places, but it is not yet much wrought. Iron is abundant, much worked, and some of it is more esteemed than any imported. Salt abounds, and could easily supply the whole country, or even furnish the article for exportation. It is not mined for yet, since the springs are found so saturated with the mineral as to render the process of boiling and evaporation more profitable. Coal exists in various parts of the country. It is procured, however, chiefly in Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island. It is of various kinds, and of different degrees of excellence. That most in use is of the class
anthracite
mountains
, and domestic coal is getting into very general use. The coal of eastern Pennsylvania is most fortunately placed. It lies within sixty or seventy miles of Philadelphia, to which place it is already conveyed by water. Philadelphia has a large capital, is now a great manufacturing town, and will probably be one of the largest in the world in the course of half a century. When at Philadelphia, coal, or any thing else, can be carried by water to any part of the country which has a water communication with the ocean.
The cultivation of the vine has commenced. Wine is already made; though, as time is absolutely necessary to produce excellence in the quality of the grape, and as capital is still easily convertible to so many lucrative uses, it is possible that half a century may elapse before the United States shall export their liquors. That they will sooner or later do so, is, I think, beyond a doubt. The silk-worm is also beginning to attract attention, and plantations of the olive are coming daily more into fashion. In short, there are no means of comfort, indulgence, or wealth, that the Americans, in some one part of their country, cannot command; and it would be as weak, as it will unquestionably be false, to suppose that a people so sagacious and so active will neglect them beyond the moment when circumstances shall render their adoption profitable or convenient.
The construction of canals, on a practical scale, the mining for coal, the exportation of cotton goods, and numberless other improvements, which argue an
* Forty years ago, no cotton was raised in the United States.
How pitiful do the paltry criticisms on an inn, or the idle, and, half the time, vulgar comments on the vulgarity of a
parvenu
, become, when objects and facts like these are pressing themselves on the mind! I have heard it said, that there are European authors who feel a diffidence of contracting acquaintances with American gentlemen, because they feel a consciousness of having turned the United States into ridicule! I can tell these unfortunate subjects of a precipitate opinion, that they may lay aside their scruples. No American of any character, or knowledge of his own country, can feel any thing but commiseration for the man who has attempted to throw ridicule on a nation like this. The contest is too unequal to admit of any doubt as to the result, and the wiser way will be for these Quixotes in literature to say and think as little as possible about their American tilting match, in order that the world may not liken their lances to that used by the hero of La Mancha, and their helmets to barbers' basins.
Washington,
Having
given so much of our attention to the subject of the sources of the national importance possessed by the Americans, it may not be without its use to devote an hour to the consideration of the manner in which they will probably be used. The points of main interest are, whether the present republican institutions of the country will endure, and whether the States will long continue to act as one people, or will submit to be divided into two or more confederacies.
The first fact that strikes an intelligent man, in considering the structure of this government, and the state of society that exists under it, is its perfectly natural formation. It is scarcely possible, I am not sure that it is possible, to conceive of a community which has attained the advantages of high civilization, that is less artificial.
In order that individual efforts should be excited (without which nations must inevitably become sluggish, and finally barbarous, though dwelling in any abundance,) the rights of property are respected. Beyond this the law leaves every man (the slaves in the southern States excepted) on grounds of perfect equality. This equality is, however, an equality of rights only; since talents, money, and enterprise, being left to their natural influences, produce their natural effects, and no more.
In respect to the continuation of the present republican institutions of this country, every fact, every symptom, and all reasoning, is, I think, in their favour.principles
that will make this endure, though policy were less active than it is in contributing to its preservation. We will endeavour to find some of them. The government of England is representative, and to a great degree it is free; that is to say, it is a government of laws, instead of being a government of will, which I take it constitutes the essential difference between liberty and despotism. Now, the main point of difference between the government of England, and that of the United States, is in the bodies that are the respective repositories of power. In the former country, the power is in the aristocracy; in the latter country, it is in the people. That the latter is more natural, is sufficiently evident, from the fact that England itself has been quietly tending towards the same result, during two centuries, under circumstances that have been calculated to bring natural influences into play. It is true, that the power still rests in the aristocracy, but it is not an aristocracy that is exclusive. To speak of the
governing
aristocracy of England, as a class of nobles, is absurd; it is the aristocracy of wealth, of talents, and of enterprise, that rules Great Britain. Were the avenues to political power closed against the approach of new aspirants, the government of Great Britain would be overturned in a dozen years. It is not in the power of art to repress the energy of natural influences when they have once gathered head. The
Here we have a government, in which the people are the sources of power. The state of society is precisely that (though in a still higher degree) which in England has wrought a change from absolute monarchy to a species of qualified aristocracy. Instead of waiting for the march of natural events, circumstances permitted that they should be he anticipated. They have been anticipated, and so far from a reaction being the result, greater harmony is daily occurring between causes and effects, as the government gets more adapted to practical objects.
I see but one possible manner in which the people of the United States can ever lose any of their liberty. They may enact laws of a more rigid character as the advancement or corruption of society shall require them, and they may possibly be driven to some slight curtailments of the franchise for the same
But the vulgar argument against the perpetuity of the American government, is the impossibility tha the rich should not govern the poor, and the intellectual the weak of mind. The continuation of property in families, and its consequent accumulation in individuals, by entails, is a provision of aristocracy in order to secure its power. The very provision itself argues a consciousness of natural weakness. It is evident, that it is as unjust, as it is opposed to our common affections, to make one child affluent at the expense of half a dozen others. No man, left to the operation of natural feeling, would do so cruel an act. This fact is sufficiently proved by the example of the Americans themselves, who have a perfect right to do this injustice if they please, by simply making those in existence, and who have a natural hold on their affections, the subjects of the wrong. Still no man does it. It is true that the father of an only son might create a sort of short entail, that should work injustice to descendants he could not know; or a father who was educated under an artificial system, where advantages are actually established from the practice, might do the same thing; but we have proof in the United States, that the father will not do it, under the operation of natural causes. Now, the Americans have taken care that this artificial state of things shall not occur, for strict entails cannot be made; and if one father should be so obdurate and unnatural as to do a wrong, in order to rob parties who were strangers to him, of their natural rights to his estate, he has no pledge that his son will be as absurd as himself.
Wealth gives no direct influence in politics. Seats in Congress are not bought and sold. Then the owners of great wealth are two-thirds of the time more agreeably employed in its increase, than in courting popularity, without which, nothing political can be done; and there is also a reluctance to give men, who have much money, places of much profit at all. But it is plain, that wealth, even supposing it could be brought to act in concert throughout a country like this, can never work a change in its institutions, until it can be accumulated for generations; and that is a result the institutions themselves forbid. Indeed, so little do I think a danger that is so often named is to be dreaded, that I think there would be vastly more danger, that the people of a nation like this would find means to strip any given set of men of exorbitant wealth, than the set of men themselves would find means to strip the nation of its liberties. Neither case is likely to occur, however, since the danger is scarcely within the bounds of a reasonable probability.
Talents may unite to destroy the rights of the people. I take it, that talents are just as likely to regulate themselves, and to produce an equality, as money. It is not nature, that any great number of talented men should conspire to overturn the government, since, in the first place, it would require au an improbable unanimity of talent, and, in the second place, a
Vol.
II.
I shall state one more simple fact, leaving you to reason on it for yourself. So far from increasing familiarity and intercourse with the system of Europe producing any desire for imitation on the part of those Americans who are brought in contact with our privileged orders, it is notorious, that it produces quite a contrary effect.
But the question of infinitely the most interest is that which touches the durability of the confederation. It is the only one of the two that is worthy of grave comment.
If we fix the habitable territory of the United States, east of the Rocky Mountains, at 1,000,000 of square miles, we shall not exceed the truth. By giving a population of 150 to the square mile, we get a gross amount of 150,000,000 for the population of this republic, In 1850, the population will probably be 24,000,000; in 1880, 48,000,000; and in 1920, near, or quite; 100,000,000. I do not think there are sufficient reasons to distrust the increase so far as the period named. If any thing, I believe I am materially within bounds.
Now the first impression that strikes the mind, is the impossibility that 1,000,000,000 of people should
The people of the United States can, under no other arrangement, enioy protection against foreign wars at so cheap a rate. Aggression on their rights will be out of the question, should they remain united. Should they separate, they would make rivals, and of course enemies, at their own doors. Nature has adapted these vast regions to profit by internal trade. This species of commerce can never be conducted on terms so favourable as those offered by the Union. Should they separate, a thousand irritating and embarrassing questions about the right to navigate the rivers and bays, would unavoidably occur, which now are unknown. They are a people of peculiar institutions, and vast political weight is necessary to secure the proud and manly population of this country, the respect they claim in foreign countries. They have felt the degradation of being contemned; they are beginning to know the privileges of being respected; and they will shortly enjoy the advantages of being feared. It is not in nature to suppose that men will wilfully and blindly throw away their superiority. I think there will also be an outward pressure that will tend to unite them still closer.
The confederated government of the United States has not power enough to make itself dangerous to the rights of the States. In the first place, it is no more than a representation of the people in another form; and there is little probability that any decidedly unpopular policy can long continue, if, indeed, it could be adopted at all. Each hour lessens the danger of particular States receding from the Union,
F f 2
As to grave shakings of the head, and general assertions, they prove nothing, unless, as they often do, they prove ignorance. Forty years ago, unbelievers would have shaken their heads, had they been told that a constitutional government would now exist in France. We must look at plain, direct, and natural causes, for the influences that are to support, or to destroy, this confederation. We can easily see the advantages of the connexion, now let us endeavour to seek the disadvantages.
The first objection that presents itself is distance. But distance is an object that has more force now, when roads and communication by water are in their infancy, than it can ever have hereafter. Existing facts, therefore, not only show that the United States are sufficiently near to each other for all practical
The next objection is the question of slaves and of freedom. The control of the slaves is a matter left entirely to the States who hold them; and, so far as they have any direct influence on the durability of the Union, it is, I think, in its favour, by adding an additional motive for its continuance to the southern States. One might acknowledge a danger of a difference of hahits arising under the slave policy, that would induce a dangerous difference in character, were it not for the fact, that this state of things has existed so long, and that the people of the north and the people of the south are rather assimilating than becoming more widely distinct in their habits and opinions.
Next comes local interest. This, after all, is the only point worthy of much consideration. It is a branch of the subject that presents two or three different aspects. That of employment, that of geographical inducements to divide, and that of minute separate interests. It is plain that the people of a country in which there is so great a diversity of soil and of climate, must pursue different employments. But is not this fact rather a motive of harmony than of dissension? They can supply each other's wants, without incurring the danger of rivalry. The northern man will exercise his ingenuity, and will be the mariner; the man of the middle States will grow the primary necessaries of life; and the southern man will supply both with luxuries. The manufacturer will buy wheat, and tobacco, and wine, and fifty other necessaries, of the Virginian, Marylander, &c. and cotton, and sugar, and olives, and fruits, of the southern man. They are necessary to each other; and it is therefore plain their interests are united.
As to the geographical inducements to separate, itare
under one government already, and by what process can they be more so than they are at this moment? The Kentuckian, and Tennessean, and Ohiese, and Indianian, might lose some advantages in the way of geographical inducements, by separating from New York to cling to Louisiana, or
vice versa;
but what could he possibly gain? There might have been a danger of such a separation, when the outlet of the Mississippi was the property of another nation; but the outlet of the Mississippi is now the property of the republicans themselves. The citizen of New-Orleans has just as much influence in the general government as the citizen of New-York or Boston. Independently of these facts, which, I think, contain an unanswerable argument, each day is so ramifying and connecting interests throughout the whole of this Union, as to render it difficult to the States, which might be thought to be the most exposed to what I have called geographical inducements to make a selection, even in circumstances that should compel a choice.
The control of minute interests might easily lead to dissensions, in a free country. But the natural and exceedingly happy constitution of American society leaves the States the control of all matters that do not require concentrated action; it leaves even the counties and towns, also, the right of controlling their more minute interests.
Now, where are we to seek a rational argument for believing that this confederation will dissolve? Its plan of government leaves as few matters of contention as possible; while the interests, the habits, the feelings, and the history, of the people, are theveto
could ever slumber for a century or that Isabel might have entertained rational doubts of her American provinces becoming more important dominions than her own Aragon— and yet all these things have come to pass! Are we to believe for ever only what we wish? We are told that China contains a hundred and fifty millions of people, in one empire; and why are we to believe that semi-barbarians have more wisdom than a nation that has shown itself as shrewd, as firm, and as constant as the Americans?
Let us give one moment's attention to the political history of this republic since its establishment.
Between the years 1775 and 1789, a confederation existed, which, though it imperfectly answered the objects of the war, partook of that flimsiness of texture which has proved the bane and weakness of so many previous political unions. The Americans, instead of becoming impatient and restive under acknowledge difficulties, deliberately went to work to remedy the evil. The present constitution was formed. Its chief merit consists in its yielding to unavoidable evils, its consulting natural objects, and its profiting by those advantages which had endured the test of time. This is a broad foundation on which to repose the fabric of government.
Until near the end of Washington's administration, the Americans were scarcely treated with the courtesy that was due to a nation. The character of that illustrious man lent a dignity to his government, which adventitious circumstances would have refused.
Then followed the general war, with its abuses. The vast commerce of America grew, but it became a prey to all the belligerents. Acts, that would disgrace any man of the smallest pretension to character, were committed by boastful nations, under the pitiful plea of power; and the complaints of a remote people, were despised and ridiculed, for no other reason than that they were a nation weak and dispersed. But a mighty spirit was in the land. The statesmen were wary, firm in their principles, yielding to events while they protested against injustice, and watchful to let no opportunity of regaining their rights pass without improvement. At this period, an immense region, which possessed countless positive advantages, which offered a foothold to rivals, and which was a constant temptation to division among themselves, was peaceably acquired. The purchase of Louisiana was the greatest masterstroke of policy that has been done in our times. All the wars, and conquests, and cessions of Europe, for the last hundred years, sink into insignificance, compared with the political consequences that are dependent on this increase of territory. Spain had been accessory to the wrongs, and Spain too was quietly made
A new era is now about to dawn on this nation. It has ceased to creep; it begins to walk erect among the powers of the earth. All these things have occurred within the life of man. Europeans may be reluctant to admit the claims of a competitor, that they knew so lately a pillaged, a wronged, and a feeble people; but Nature will have her laws obeyed, and the fulfilment of things must come. The spirit of greatness is in this nation: its means are within their grasp; and it is as vain as it is weak to attempt to deny results that every year is rendering more plain, more important, and more irresistible.
NOTE A.—
Pages
89 and 205.
Soon
after the writer arrived in England, he read an article in the LXXIII. number of the Quarterly Review, which created some surprise, as it imparted very different opinions on the subject of the United States' navy, from those which he had communicated to his friends. The article to which he alludes, professes to review the “Personal Narrative of Travels,” &c. “with Remarks on the present State of the Arnerican Navy, by Lieutenant the Honourable Frederick Fitzgerald de Roos, Royal Navy,” and another book on the same country, to which it is not necessary to refer. Anxious to know whether it was possible that he himself could have fallen into so many gross errors on the subject of the American marine, he took the following plan of arriving, as near as circumstances would allow, to the truth. He sent the Review and Travels to an American naval officer, now in Europe, with a request that he would read them, and favour him with his written opinion of the professional facts contained in both. The answer is below.
“ I shall comply with your request quite cheerfully. You are at liberty to make such use of the little information I shall impart, as you may think proper: though I have some delicacy in placing my name before the world as an author, which, as you very well know, implies a pursuit but little in accordance With the education and habits of a sailor.
“I presume you do not intend that I shall touch on any matters contained in either of the works you have sent me, but those which are strictly professional. Were any one disposed to enter into a critical examination of the Review, or of the ‘Travels,’ I think very many points would present themselves for critical examination. The reviewer, for instance, might be asked on what authority he pronounced that ‘ten thousand of the men that fought at Waterloo, would have marched through North America,’ when it is matter of history, that twelve or fourteen thousand of the same men went to the right about, after penetrating the State of New
Vol.
II.Peninsula
which separates the Hudson and the East River,’ I beg to assure him, that it is not entitled to the smallest credit. But we will quit these general subjects, for those on which I am more particularly at home.
“ The reviewer commences his nautical career by saying, ‘It is not for us to decide on the policy of the American government, with regard to the increase of its naval force.’ I take this to be the least exceptionable declaration in the whole article. I shall pass over every point that requires argument to support it, for it is my intention to deal as much as possible with facts. The reviewer says, ‘it will require a long time, &c. before America can deal single-handed with the navy of any of the maritime powers of Europe.’ Now, I think, the facts would show that, England and France excepted, there is not another navy in the world as strong as that of the United States. ‘Viewing it in its greatest extent,’ &c. says the reviewer, ‘it (the American navy) may be considered to consist of twelve sail of the line, twelve frigates, nine sloops, and a few barges, &c.’ The navy of the United States consists of twelve sail of the line, one sixty, twelve forty-fours, three thirty-sixes, sixteen corvettes antl sloops, with a few smaller cruizers. These vessels are all on the ocean. There is (as you say by an error of the press) an omission of several frigates in your own letter, page 76 of Vol II., of the sheets you have obligingly permitted me to read. Your total amount of our marine is correct, but the omission has been made in the detail. Considering the size and condition of these vessels, what other marine, except those named, is as strong? The reviewer says, that ‘theless
than of seventy-four guns. I do not understand what the reviewer means, when he says a ship is not intended to be launched, ‘
being
built under sheds.’ Does he believe the Americans build ships to look at? Next comes a minute division of an erroneous account of our force, (See Review, page 273, near the bottom.) One instance of its mistakes shall suffice, ‘Of the twelve frigates, five have been built,’ &c. The Unites States, the Liberator, the Guerrier, the Java, the Macedonian, the Constitution, the Congress, the Brandywine, and the Potomac, are all afloat, and most of them have been used. In this detailed account the reviewer rightly gives two ships rating twenty-four guns, ‘but which,’ he continues, ‘can mount many more.’ One word on this subject in passing. The John Adams, twenty-four, is an American-built ship. She is pierced for twenty-four guns, and mounts twenty-four guns, and is rated twenty-four guns. The Cyane, the other vessel in question, was captured from the English. She mounts thirty-two guns, mounted thirty-two, if not thirty-four, when taken, was put down at that time, in Steele's list,
twenty
guns, and is now rated by us at twenty-four guns. I mention these circumstances, in order that they may be proved to be wrong if I am mistaken. Your remarks on the subject of the rating of vessels, I believe to be correct. It is worthy of observation, that the reviewer, in his enumeration of our total force, (page 273,) omits these two twenty-fours, though he introduces them in the close of the same paragraph.
“I am well content that the reviewer should believe the Caledonia more than a match for the Pennsylvania; but, I must say, I think it would have been more prudent not to hazard any prophetic opinions on the subject. Ships of one hundred and thirty guns seldom lower their flags to opinions and it would have been well to have had the result of an experiment, before so much theoretical confidence was manifested. I have not the smallest doubt that there are many brave men in the British navy, (in command of the Caledonia) who would seek a conflict with the Pennsylvania, in the event of so great a calamity as a war; but I am quite sure that any man among them who is likely to be successful in so serious a struggle, would be conscious of all its hazards. I shall say nothing on the subject of the reasoning of the reviewer in relation to the size of ships and the weight of metal. I am old enough to remember very similar doctrines much in
“The reviewer is just as confident, that in all the naval battles of the late war, the Americans had a decided superiority of force, as he is now, that even against this superiority of force, the Caledonia could capture the Pennsylvania. I am content that he should think so, though I am by no means disposed to give implicit credit to the erudite authority he quotes (Mr. James) in support of this opinion.
“There is a remarkable declaration of the reviewer (page 278) to which I desire to call your attention. He says that the United States,
being an agricultural and commercial nation
, ‘it is their obvious policy to avoid war as much as possible,
consistently
with national honour.’ If I were not a sailor and a Yankee, and he a reviewer and an Englishman, I should venture to say, that I presume he means ‘consistently with national honour.’ I give you this little grammatical flourish much in the same humour that the reviewer gives us his professional knowledge, and, perhaps, quite as ignorantly. But, retreating to my deck, I would ask if the reviewer means to imply that England goes to war for other objects?
“The next fact that I shall allude to, is the complement of the North Carolina. The reviewer states, that it is ‘considerably more than 1,100 persons.’ I am compelled to say he has been grossly deceived. If he will look at page 236 letter B [1] of the documents of the Secretary of the Navy for the present year, he will see the detail of the complement of the Delaware, (a sister ship of the Carolina) including every person on. board, from the commodore to the boys, exclusively of the marines. The total is 720 souls. At page 257, No. I. [1] he will find the estimate for her marine, viz. 117, including the staff of a squadron. The two sums together make 837 souls, which, I can assure the reviewer, is the full war complement of the ship, with a flag officer, band marine staff,&c.&c. though liable as in all ships, to be diminished by service, or temporarily increased by a few super numeraries, particularly by an officer or two, now and then
“You have sufficiently exposed, in your own note, the mistake of the reviewer on the subject of the cost of maintaining our navy.
“Perhaps the most singular assertion in the whole article is the following: ‘
The American timber is so bad
, that threeAll good
American ships are built of
live oak
and
locust;
I should be glad to know where better timber is to be found. It is true, that during the war, we were compelled to construct several vessels in a hurry, and that a little other timber was admitted, rather than not get the ships in time, and that such timber has been found decayed. I write with a detailed report of the Commissioners of the Navy for the year 1827, before me. It mentions the particular condition of every vessel in the service. I extract the following: ‘Ohio, seventy-four: outside plank much decayed, from the rail to the ways, and some spots of decay, in inside, in the plank across the Stern, in the ceiling, and gun-deck clamps.’ ‘Washington, seventy-four: will require considerable repairs in her planking, top-timbers, beams and floor-timbers: the copper should be examined before she goes to sea.’ ‘Franklin, seventy-four: will require planking from near water's edge to the rail, and an examination of her cooper.’ As these three ships are in much the worst condition of any of the twelve, I presume they are the vessels alluded to. The foregoing is the official statement of those who are best informed in the matter. The Washington has been built fourteen years, the Independence thirteen, and the Ohio ten. If the reviewer thinks that British ships do not often want planking above water, I presume he is mistaken. But the Washington was built in the confessedly, defective in many of her timbers. The Washington was built in the war, and, I believe, of mixed timber. I have also heard, though I will not vouch for its truth, that she was, in part, built of captured timber, which had been intended for the British navy. A sufficient evidence of the quality of our timber is, however, contained in the fact, that we have never been obliged to break up a ship that was built expressly for a cruizer, larger than a sloop of war, since
the regular establishment of our navy in 1797. The Java was thought to be the worst ship, of her size, we ever had; but, on examination, it was found that she would very well bear repairs. But what interest has the reviewer in proving we have rotten ships? did he ever know an American officer apologize for a defeat on account of a rotten ship?
The next topic worthy of notice, is the dry docks. The reviewer proves, to his own satisfaction, that a dry dock in England costs 15,000l. less than one in America. In other words, ten of these dry docks, which would be sufficient for the largest navy in the world, would cost, in America, an excess of 150,000l. I do not see that the point is worthy of a discussion, since they are not perishable things.
G g 2
“I had forgotten to comment on the opinion of the reviewer, that England possesses ‘coal and iron in greater quantities than any other country of the world.’ The assumption is a little gratuitous, and I think an intelligent examination of the facts would convince him of his error.
“There is a strange perversion of the frank and manly exposition of certain acknowledged defects in our dock-yards and naval system, which it is the duty of the secretary of the navy to make to Congress, and which, I presume, he will continue to make annually until they are amended. One is tempted to believe such ministerial candour is unusual, or the reviewer could not mistake its motive. A wise man would be induced to believe it a proof of a desire for reformation; but the reviewer appears to think it infers a confession of imbecility. Perhaps, however, something should be allowed for the course of policy pursued by the two nations in executive matters.
“In rage 284, there is another gauntlet thrown (by the reviewer) from the Barham of
fifty guns
, to any American
sixty gun frigate.
‘She (the Barham) being in all respects a much finer ship.’ I shall not dispute the prowess nor the perfection of the Barham, though I must still doubt the prudence of saying so much about them. There is a renowned dramatic hero who destroyed a whole army very much in the same way. I cheerfully acquit every British naval
officer
of the indiscretion.
“I shall venture again to step beyond my proper limits. What does the reviewer mean by stating that ‘Diplomatic Treaties, &c. cost the United States 5,140,099 dollars?’ (See Review, page 285.) He foots up the ‘civil department of the state’ at 7,155,307 dollars. This is a good deal worse than the Barham! The official statements of the whole expenditure of the United States' government for the year 1826, are now before me. The Whole amount of the ‘civil,
miscellaneous
, and diplomatic’ expenses for that year, are 2,600,177 dollars 79 cents. (See Document, page 35, [4] Treasurer's Report, 1826.) I follow your example, and extract items, ‘Light-house establishment. 188,849;’ ‘Marine-hospital establishment, 54,336;’ ‘Public buildings in Washington, 91,271;’ ‘
Stock in the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company
, 107,500;’ ‘
Stock in the Dismal Swamp Company
, 150,000;’ ‘
Stock in the Lousville and Portland Canal Company
, 30,000;’ ‘Payment of claims for buildings destroyed, per act of March, 1825, 208, 311;’ ‘
Diplomatic department
, 152,476 40 cents;’ ‘
Mission to the Congress of Panama
, 9000;’ ‘
Contingent expenses of foreign intercourse
, 18,627All
the expenses that can
by possibility
be construed to belong to ‘Diplomatic Treaties,’ &c. are footed up separately, and, together, they make the sum of 232,719 8 cents!! The
miscellaneous
charges are also footed saparately, and make 1,110,713 23 cents; and the
civil
make 1,256,745 48 cents. I do not wonder that a writer who sees figures through such a medium should say immediately afterwards, ‘it is the obvious policy of the governing powers of a country like that we have been describing to cultivate peace and amity with all the world. I am quite of his mind, though seemingly for very different reasons. It is lucky for this writer that he has not fallen into the hands of one of our regular quill-drivers, or he would be beaten out and out, notwithstanding his singular felicity in deciding combats on paper.
“Let us look at one more of his weak points. In page 279 he says we expended (he refers to the year 1826) 4,222,952 dollars to
support
our navy. He is silent as to the expense of
building
ships, though we had several frigates and ships of the line on the stocks that year, and had just commenced building ten sloops of war, three of which were actually launched before the month of June. Of the army he says nothing for that year, though he tells us, that in 1824 it cost 5,270,254 dollars. Why he selected the year 1824, it is impossible for me to say, when the reports of 1826 were just as clear, and probably they were before him. But we will take his own premises. His American ‘civil department of state’ cost 17,155,307 dollars;
his support
of the American navy cost 4,222,952 dollars; and
his
army for the year 1824 cost 5,270,254 dollars. (It actually happened, including fortifications, Indian department, road surveys, &c. &c. that the expenditure belonging to the war department, for 1826, was upwards of 6,000,000.) Now all these sums make 16,648,513 dollars, to say nothing of the expenses of building ships and forts. On the same page the reviewer puts the net revenue of the country at 20,385,430 dollars, which leaves an excess of 3,636,817 dollars for the other expenses of the government. Immediately after, he says, ‘the public debt on the 1st of October, 1825, was 80,985,537.’ This, at five per cent. about a fair average, would require 4,049,276 dollars to pay the interest. But he admits that the debt had been diminished nearly 10,000,000 of dollars in the years 1824 and '25. The Secretary of the Treasury says, page 6 of his last report, that in the years 1825 and 1826, 21,297,210 dollars were paid on the
principal
of the public debt. I should like to know where the money came from, since, by the reviewer's showing,calculating
tone of argumentation.’
“If, as he says, the government of the United States is ‘ostentations,’ it must be the ostentation of this cold tone of argumentation, for every body knows they get very little money to figure with. I shall not animadvert on the close of his sentence. If any American minister at the English court has failed in ‘courtesy and civility,’ let it be proclaimed in a manly manner to the world, or spare us inuendos. You can not expect that I should go any further with this writer. I know nothing of boundary lines: all I hope is, that they may be peaceably settled.
“As to the German, or pretended German author, reviewed, I have nothing to say to him. He either knows a vast deal more of my country than I know myself, or he knows nothing at all about it. Mr. de Roos being a professional man, and coming out under his own name, is entitled to more respect.
“I think it unfortunate that this gentleman did not give himself sufficient time to make his observations.
“Mr. de Roos is hasty in his inferences. He thinks a dock-yard was placed at Philadelphia because the people were ‘unwilling to be behind-hand with her neighbours in the possession of such an advantage.’ It appears to me a sufficient reason, that Philadelphia was one of the largest, and, what has hitherto been an object with us, one of the safest sea-ports in the country. Baltimore is as large a town now as Philadelphia was when the yard was established, and yet Baltimore has no dock-yard, while Portsmouth, Gosport, and Mobile (all three quite small places) have dock-yards.
“At Washington, Mr. de Roos entered the navy-yard. He saw the house of the commissioner, (captain of the yard;) but ‘could observe no other residence belonging to officers.’ I take this acknowledgment to be another proof of his haste, as the master-commandant has a very neat and commodious dwelling within a few rods of the other house, and nearly in its front. I think, too, he must have passed the extensive quarters of the officers of the marine corps, which are very near the gate, and before which there are always sentinels. Mr. de Roos is mistaken in calling the inclined plane Commodore Porter's: it was built under the inspection of Commodore
“In New York, Mr. de Roos describes a peculiarity in the construction of the
Boston
sloop of war, on board of which vessel he unquestionably believed he had paid a visit. I can assure him that the Boston sailed for the coast of Brazil some months before he visited New-York, and she had not returned as late as March, 1828. Mr. de Roos says that ‘only one vessel (a sixty gun frigate) was building’ at New-York. He is again mistaken: there were two frigates (the Sabine and the Savannah) on the stocks there the whole of the year 1826. The Lexington and Vincennes sloops were launched in March and May of the same year.
“Mr. de Roos next describes the Ohio, 74, which he terms a splendid ship. I am glad to hear that a professional gentleman has reason to be pleased with any of our vessels; but I think he labours under some error when he adds, ‘I afterwards learned that this vessel (the Ohio) was an instance of the
cunning
, I will not call it wisdom, which frequently actuates the policy of the Americans.’ The substance of his charge is, that we fit out fine ships, and send them abroad to create a false idea of our power. Not being in the secret of the of commissioners of the navy, who select all the vessels used, I shall not venture an opinion on the matter; but it is clear the Ohio has never been used in this manner, since, so far from ever having been at sea at all, she has never even been entirely finished. It is also some presumption that he has been led into an error, that the Franklin and Washington, the former of which looked ‘quite small, after seeing the Ohio,’ have both been much in actual service.
“Mr. de Roos is wrong when he says we pay
bounties
for seamen. I presume his error arises from the
advance
which is always paid to a sailor in America, whether it be for a vessel of war, or for a merchant-ship. I do not well see how he can be right in supposing that the recruiting officer made his report while he (Mr. Roos) was in the yard, since that officer makes his report only to the department at Washington. How does Mr. de Roos reconcile ‘the raw
“If Mr. de Roos is of the same mind as Mr. Halliburton, (whom he quotes,) in believing that all circumstances go to show the difficulties of our having a navy, I hope he will be disposed to give us the more credit, should the result differ from his expectations.
“Mr. de Roos is entirely mistaken in what he says about Boston. Nearly, if not quite half of the whole naval force that has sailed from the United States since 1812, has sailed from that port. He is also wrong in calling the Natchez a 74, when she is a sloop of war. As these are most of the naval facts touched upon by Mr. de Roos in his brief account, I shall now turn my attention to your own statement.
“I have already noted the error in the detailed account of our force, and which you state to be an omission of the press. Your estimate of the number of men necessary to man our present ships is sufficiently correct, though you have not certainly allowed officers enough. The ships of the line alone would require near 800 officers, including all those who are commissioned, or have warrants. The frigates would need as many more, and the sloops and smaller vessels quite half as many more. Two thousand officers would be employed, at least, if all out ships were manned. This is a little more than twice our present number; but it is intended to increase the lists, I believe. At all events, we could at any moment create the necessary number by promoting qualified midshipmen.
“I presume, when you say that the United States must be admitted to possess 30,000 seamen, you mean what are technically called
able
seamen. The estimate is, I think, sufficiently low.
“I shall close this note by adverting to a part of the review that had ascaped me in running my eye rapidly over its contents, I am sorry to see the reviewer treating the subject of impressment in so cavalier a manner. Of course, I allude to the impressment of American seamen into the British service. This is a grave question, and plain dealing in time of peace will be very likely to prevent trouble here after. Though the reviewer takes it as part of his premises, there is no more unsafe calculation than to believe ‘the past will speak for the future’ in relation to America. We do not dispute the right of England to make her own municipal laws; but we do dispute her right to exercise them in any way that shall make it unsafe for an American to navigate the ocean. I admire the coolness with which the reviewerprotected against serving in our fleets
, and British seamen from
entering
theirs, Great Britain will undoubtedly be ready to discuss it.’ We
have
a
plan
for the
protection of our seamen.
The Pennsylvania, and her five noble sisters, Whose frames are now providing, the Alabama, the Delaware, the Ohio, the New-York, the Vermont, the North Carolina, &c. &c. &c., furnish a hint of its outline.
“I intend to part in good humour with my unknown friend, the reviewer; and, in order to let him see it, I shall give him a piece of perfectly disinterested advice, If England wishes to
discuss
any question connected with a right to impress men out of American ships, the sooner she does it the better; for in a very few more years, it will not do even to
talk about.
”