Washington, DC, 1999.
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PATRIOTISM.
From a very able and spirited Address to the Electors of New-Jersey, the following extracts are made.—Speaking the language of truth, and inculcating lessons of political morality, they may be viewed as an earnest and disinterested appeal to
THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES.
THE
period which enables us to express our sense of men and measures, by lawful suffrage, has never arrived under more interesting circumstances. We are brought into troubles and dangers, which no man can contemplate without feelings of the deepest regret. It is for the PEOPLE to speak out, and no longer conceal their sentiments of those
public agents,
whose
ignorance
or
mal-conduct
have produced these calamities.
In this appeal to you, fellow-citizens, our dispositions are those of countrymen and brothers:—We speak to the
great body of voters,
whatever may have been their former opinions, in the spirit of affection, but in the language of freedom.
To those who have so long deceived us—who fought after office and profit—who, having got into power, either from weakness or against better knowledge, countenance measures that are driving our country to ruin—to those who persecute because of private opinion, and are cloaking themselves under the name of
republicans,
in order the better to succeed—to those who are spreading handbills, and propagating, in every way, slanders against the friends of Washington and his principles—even to these, as individuals, we would wish to speak without resentment. But we separate
them
from the LARGE and SOUND PART of the community. In comparison with the thousands who are now smarting under their ambition or weakness, they are nothing. The PEOPLE, resuming their rights of judgment, if they perceive the public interests have been placed in hands unfit to be trusted any longer, will dismiss them from their confidence. An impartial and wise nation cannot long be deceived by
professions
—they will look to
conduct,
and judge by
consequences;
—the weak or ar?ul men, who, in every part of our country, for eight years have passed for republicans, crying down the principles and views of the friends and supporters of the WASHINGTON SYSTEM, are brought to these unerring tests.
Whatever ills have befallen our land, within these last years, it were blindness not now to perceive, that we owe them to our confidence in the
false promises
and pernicious errors of the
men in power:
—how they got there, we cannot but remember—what they have accomplished is before our eyes, and presses upon every heart.
Eight years ago, these United States saw no nation or people so great and so blessed. Our federal constitution was unchanged—our laws wisely framed, and ably executed;—the fruits of industry, and rights of property, were sacredly respected. On all sides we beheld increasing population, rising habitations, domestic arts, and growing wealth. Husbandry was encouraged by commerce, and commerce brought us treasures from every clima. Our public credit was entire—the treasury full—and the debt of the revolution was fast diminishing. We were at
peace
among ourselves, and with
every foreign power
—peace acquired by no surrender of rights—but by our own justice and valour. We had not then bowed to French influence, but maintained our independence, when threatened, by adequate means to defend it:—We rejoiced in security and abundance—prosperous beyond example, and even beyond our fondest hopes. All these blessings were ours in 1800—the fruit of twelve years of precious government, under our WASHINGTON and ADAMS!
Laying aside prejudices, and looking back to the year 1800, when the
successor
of Mr. Adams pronounced us “in the full tide of successful experiment,” must not every candid mind allow that we were a great and happy people?
Fellow Citizens!
At this auspicious æra of repose and enjoyment, exceeding the lot of other men or times, and with prospects still brightening on our view, we CHANGED! The
patriots
who had guided us in the storms of revolution, and the enlightened
statesmen,
that, for twelve years, had been the pride and shield of their country, were suddenly
dismissed!
—A
combination
at the seat of government, in 1800. laid the diabolical plan of
poisoning the public mind;
a great caucus was held, and it was agreed to
assume
the name of
republicans
and
friends of the people
—to charge the federal administration with aristocracy and extravagance—to traduce the
measures of Washington and Adams,
and by every popular artifice to wean the
People
from their confidence in the founders of American liberty, and the tried friends of Federal Republicanism!—This was the project of Wm. Giles, of Virginia, the man who in Congress first assailed and threatened to impeach our beloved Washington;—with him were associated Burr and other leaders of opposition. Their scheme was well digested, communicated and spread into every State, and a concerted attack made upon the friends and measures of government.
Can we forget, Citizens of New-Jersey,
who
they were, and by what means they succeeded in their purposes? They told us of grievances sustained, and promised us abundant redress. Upon the bare
word
of a
few artful men,
we were tempted to seek after more
perfection
—to taste, we knew not of what fancied bliss, and leaving the solid ground of
experience,
committed ourselves to the tempestuous sea of revolution. For has not all their pretended
reformation
come to this—has not all been
revolutionized?
What remains of our constitutions—our independence—our rights of commerce and property—our personal liberty, union and security?—Are they not impaired or ruined?
Permit us, inhabitants of New-Jersey, to recal to your recollection some of the
arts
and
flatteries
which made us ungrateful to our real benefactors, and led us to confer power and confidence on men who have well nigh destroyed their country. It is time to
speak plain
—not because it is grateful to remember injuries, or look back with pleasure on persidious actions—but that, remembering them, we may guard ourselves against future deceptions.
To effect their purpose of
poisoning
the public mind, meetings were called, handbills circulated, resolutions entered into, organized associations, under the name of
democratic societies,
were established, and even unprincipled printers and presses paid and supported.—Regardless of truth, or consequences, aiming only at
office
and
power,
the fairest characters were defamed, innocent actions misrepresented, the most useful and necessary measures cried down; in short, all that had been done by our Washington and his successor, held up as designed to impoverish and enslave their country.
What
charges
did they not raise against the federal administration, and what
promises
of
reform
did they not make!—and yet we now must acknowledge, that their accusations were unfounded, and their promises have been broken.
They charged the officers of government with fraud and embezzlement, and this on no better authority than garbled papers,
stolen
from the treasury office by
Duane,
a foreigner, but now a
Colonel
in the army of the United States.
Timothy Pickering,
the virtuous patriot of '76, detected the cheat, cleared himself from the calumny, and proved, that instead of taking from the treasury, he had transferred to the public coffers
fourteen
thousand dollars which he might justly have claimed for himself.
Pickering
and
Hamilton,
both charged with embezzlement—both retiring
poor
from office.
They complained of the SALARIES paid the federal officers, and promised an immediate diminution—yet, from the President downward, not a
cent
has been reduced—on the contrary, many have been raised, and new ones created.
They clamoured against the public TAXES—but is there one man in the United States better off on this score? To make a
shew
of reduction, it is true, they repealed the taxes on
pleasure carriages, loaf sugar
and
luxuries,
from which one million of dollars was annually raised, on the
rich
part of the community:—but, to
replace
this (for it was necessary to government) they immediately laid a
new
tax, and have annually levied the same
million
under the name of the
Mediterranean fund,
on the indispensible articles of life:—surely they do not think we are deceived by an artifice so palpable!
They pretended that our FINANCES were not well managed by an American, and put in his stead a
Swiss emigrant,
who scarcely pronounces our language, and whose merit is that he quietly receives his salary of 5000 dollars a year, and treads in the track made plain by his predecessor.
They were loud in complaints against
State Secrets
and
Closed Doors
— prosessing that it was the right of the people, and for their safety, to be informed of the state of the nation, and of the proceedings of their rulers;—yet, under the
present administration,
SECRESY and CONCEALMENT from the citizens of their situation, have spread universal doubt and alarm:—all the important business of the last Congress was transacted with
closed doors,
and to this moment we are left in darkness.
The Federal Administration was charged with submission to
British impressment
on board our merchant ships, and urged to declare war against England, rather than bear it:—Those great and good men,
Washington
and
Adams,
were sensible that this claim of the English to take even their
own seamen
from our private ships, was often attended with injury:—but they preferred negotiation to war—especially as war could not redress the evil, and Great-Britain would not resign the right to take her
own seamen,
because in so doing she must resign herself to destruction.—During the Federal Administration, it was the policy of the Government rather to prevent
abuses
of this claim on the part of England, than to enter in public hostility about the right. In consequence, trade flourished, our ships seldom suffered search, nor were wrongful impressments frequently sustained; still, however, the pretended republicans magnified the wrongs done to our seamen, and promised, if put into power, that they should be redressed:—but what have they accomplished?—during the whole time of their administration, we have heard more of British insults and wrongs than ever;—yet, have they relieved our commerce, or put a stop to impressments? Their blustering and impotence are conspicuous to the world:—instead of redress and protection, they have
abandoned the cause of our sea-faring brethren forever;
—not only withdrawing protection, but refusing to let them provide for themselves;—Commerce, ships, seamen, all are wiped from the face of our country—not by England, or even France—but by our
own rulers
—those who got into power under assurances of protecting the interests of trade and commerce, and the rights and privileges of seamen!
It was objected against the
Federal
Government, that
disputes had arisen with foreign powers,
which might have been prevented, or settled with less expence and controversy. This charge made by the Virginia party, headed by Giles, who opposed Washington's
proclamation of neutrality,
and who considered President Adams as degrading the country by sending
three embassies,
one after the other, to make peace with France—this charge, we say, came with a bad grace from them. They will not deny, however, that when they came into power, in the year 1801, the
Federal
President left the country in profound peace.—Not a
speak of war
on our horizon—treaties with France, Spain, and England—peace with the Barbary States and Indian Tribes—trade, commerce, and agriculture, flourishing and secure—and our country
prepared
to defend its rights by its own strength and unanimity:—Since these complainers, however, came in, what has been
their
success with
foreign powers?
Unceasing contentions, and by their own confession; continued wrongs and insults. With the Barbary States too, we have been involved in continued
war,
or subjected to ignominious tributes,
one million
of dollars being annually appropriated to maintain war or buy peace with the rabble bandit of Tripoli and Algiers. So much for their success with foreign governments.
These vaunting pretenders clamoured about
navies and standing armies
—that small, but gallant navy, commanded by our brave Truxton—that patriotic army raised in 1799, commanded by our immortal Washington himself, who declared its necessity, and approved of all the measures taken at that time to preserve our independence from French intrigue and power—that small navy and military force were highly instrumental in preserving us. France made peace, and a
Federal
Congress disbanded the army:—Yet these preparations, so necessary and so fortunate, were cried down, and have ever since furnished the democratic leaders with those notes which they are ever chaunting about
navies
and
standing armies.
But if it be criminal to create naval and military forces, what shall we say of the men
now
in power? After so many warnings against the
expence of navies
and
danger of armies,
we find them lining our whole coast with vessels of war, under the name of
gun-boats,
more numerous and expensive, but less powerful than Federal Frigates:—
One hundred thousand militia
is at this moment drafted for service, and a STANDING ARMY is levying through our country. So much for their clamour against navies and armies!
The
federal
administration was accused of extravagance, and their
successors
promised more
œconomy
of the public monies:—Yet we find they have retrenched nothing from salaries or the expences of government. Ambassadors are still sent to, and continued at foreign Courts, with outfits and emoluments no way diminished:—
Fifteen millions
of the people's money, equal to a fifth part of the whole national debt, have been given to France, and for what?—for the disputed country of Louisiana:—We have a French title, and now, as Mr. Jefferson himself tells us, Spain disputes the boundaries, and confines us only to a “string of land.” This is his very language in a communication to Congress.
Fellow-Citizens,
this is a shameful transaction, both for its extravagance and folly. This, indeed, is a fine sample of
œconomy.
The purchase, however, as might have been expected, is like to prove the source of endless ills to our country; already it has become the scene of treachery, contention and war. The
œconomy
too of our present rulers might be tested by their appropriation of
two millions
of dollars to secret service money.
They promised more able and faithful
public officers;
but is this accomplished? If we look about us in the
general
and
State
governments, how lamentable is our disappointment! Never, in so short a time, has any country suffered so much in its character and interests, from a change of public men in all the executive, legislative and judicial departments:
Meritorious and
experienced officers
have been supplanted by youth, ignorance and presumption:
Military rank
has been degraded, and military spirit destroyed, by promotions most unjust and absurd.
We were promised a reign of
moderation
and justice when these men should come into power, for their leader said we were “all federalists, all republicans:” But what violence has been spared—what outrage upon freedom of thought, and security of office, has not been committed?
Foreigners,
of the most dangerous principles, and ambitious designs, fill our
cabinet
and our
camp
—preside in our
courts of justice,
and are actually nominated and supported as fit representatives to make laws and govern native Americans.
The heroes of our revolution, those whom Washington loved and promoted, have, for their service, received dismission and disgrace—sinking beneath penury, and, what is more painful, suffering under base slanders, coming too from the striplings of the day, type-setters and minions of office.
Even in our
own State,
what prank of insolence, what meanness of persecution, has been left unpractised! Look through every county—in every department: Take the clerkships and surrogacies for an example.
Age
has been stripped of its support—the
dying
bereaved of office—
Revolutionary
characters, and men who did honour to their stations, turned off, for no offence but thinking as freemen, and acting on the maxims of Washington; and in their places have been substituted those who were not known in the “times that tried men's fouls”— men of the most infamous characters.
These instances of FALSEHOODS propagated—PROMISES broken, and PERSECUTIONS multiplied, are familiar to every citizen. There would be no end to the detail: Repeated so often, and extending through every quarter of the United States, they have ceased to shock us.
We do again repeat, that no people were ever more imposed upon than we have been, by a system of
professions
and
slanders
—of arts to gain popular confidence—and to depress and injure the best and ablest friends of American prosperity.
Yet, fellow-citizens, if
our country
had remained
safe
under this change of her public servants and councils in the year 1801, these wrongs to the supporters of Washington policy might have been borne. Federal men, who originally accepted of office more to serve their country than themselves, felt no regret in parting with it, but the pain of unmerited censure.
For eight years past the founders of American glory—the friends of Washington and his principles, have remained almost silent spectators of the surrounding ruin! Wishing prosperity to the land of their nativity, and to which they are bound by so many ties, they have patiently endured every wrong, hoping rather than expecting better times.
But a crisis has come, when to remain longer alienated from the concerns of our common country would be criminal. A state of things more alarming to any people who prize their liberties or rights, can scarcely exist.
The men in power have, by a series of mal-administration, funk us into total disgrace, and placed us in circumstances of unexampled difficulty.
To increase the danger as well as the shame of our land, these leaders, who called themselves “friends of the people,” and “brethren of the same principle,” no longer agree amongst themselves. Ignorance—lust of office, and foreign influence, have broken them into bitter factions; in every state they are divided—assume different grades and disguises of republicanism; under the name of quids—friends of the people—democratic citizens—genuine republicans—men of '76—whigs— Madisonians, and Clintonians. They are wasting the precious moments which should be devoted to their country, in contentions for office: Jefferson, Monroe, Madison and Clinton, traducing each other—the democratic presses taking sides against their former favourites, and blackening their conduct and principles with the utmost malignity.
The aspect of affairs in our once happy country is truly deplorable.
We see the representatives in Congress who profess to be republicans, quarrelling among themselves—wasting months in liftless inaction—concealing their measures, such as they are, from the people, or retracting them as soon as adopted.
We see the executive head employed in childish schemes and conjectures, carried away by visions of French power and fraternity, and by new sangled notions of government, whilst foreign states look on us with contempt, and our citizens are stripped, by their own rulers, of the natural rights of man, the fruits of industry and enjoyment of property.
We see submission to France, in shutting our ports to Great-Britain, and treating her as a common enemy.
We see non-intercourse laws, proclamations and prohibitions, pointed against England; a treaty, made with her, and signed by Monroe and Pinckney, which they declared a good one, actually refused by the President, without consulting Congress or the Senate; all these hostile proceedings too, directed against a nation, who, whatever we once thought, is now contending against the great enemy of human liberty. It is notorious that England is anxiously desirous to close all differences, and to enjoy our trade and friendship; Bonaparte alone prevents its. War is determined on with England; rather than offend him. This draft of one hundred thousand militia—this standing army, now drawing towards the Lakes, is designed, no doubt, for the attack of Canada, as soon as it is settled that we can no longer be left as we are by Bonaparte. French influence has prevailed, and the government papers now begin to speak plain, that we are on the eve of war with England. This they say will confirm the present party in power, and silence all opposition! for then we must all be against England, and in favour of France. A paper of the present party, called the Whig, published in Baltimore, lately speaks in these words:
“We trust there will be a
saving spirit
in the next Congress, or rather the next session of the present Congress, which will put a wall of complete separation between Great-Britain and the United States. Peace only gives her an opportunity of poisoning the minds of our citizens, and spreading disaffection far and wide. Let us hope that the next Congress may comply with federal wishes, raise the embargo, and declare war against England. Nothing else will do—nothing else will item the torrent of British corruption. Let us have a war with Britain, and the whole continent of Europe will be open to our enterprise, and second our views.” This is the language of the Jefferson papers.
And are we thus to be plunged into an unnatural and cruel war; to engage against a powerful foe, a nation wishing to be our friends; and are we to enter into alliance with a treacherous usurper, who has already well nigh triumphed over the liberties of Europe? It is to be hoped that there
is a saving spirit
in the American people, that will arrest these mad proceedings, and preserve the peace and honour of our land.
We have seen too, during these years of folly and crime, the constitution repeatedly and grossly violated.
The Judiciary has been trampled on, and the Judges dismissed without impeachment or trial.
Peaceable and innocent citizens have been seized by armed soldiery, torn from the bo?oms of their wives and children, and transported over seas, at the command of a military despot, without warrant of law or right, from New-Orleans to Washington, a distance of two thousand miles, and when arrived there, discharged without an accusation, and forced to return unredressed for their violated liberty.
The writ of HABEAS CORPUS has been denied to our citizens.
Our army is commanded by a public culprit, the associate of Burr, a foreign pensioner, and traitor to his country.
Military commissions are withheld from experienced veterans, the associates of Washington, and conferred upon foreign outcasts, raw young men, and even upon party printers!
The SPIRIT OF FREEMEN is sunk under national wrongs and sufferings.
A Southern Aristocracy has sprung out of long possessed power—it aims to depress the growth of these Northern States, to crush their commercial enterprize, and restrain the means of our wealth and prosperity.
Another Virginia President, not left to be chosen by the people, but forced upon their choice by a midnight caucus at Washington, is to preside over these states; a man always hostile to England and commerce—devoted to French views;—he who land to John Randolph, “France wants money and must have it.” Madison, who is at this moment a French citizen, is fixed upon to direct the destinies of America. 16 years out of 20 has the ambitious State of Virginia held the first office of the country, and is not yet satisfied.
In fine, fellow-citizens, our COUNTRY
Above a
Million of Tons of Shipping,
which whitened every sea with commerce, lie rotting at our wharves, in consequence of the Embargo.
Forty Thousand Seamen,
driven from their employment and their homes, seek for subsistence under a foreign flag.
The great body of
American Merchants,
whose immense capital took from the Farmers and Planters their surplus products, and spread through ten thousand channels the means of comfort to every class of the community—these merchants are abandoned to ruin.
Forty-Eight Millions worth of American Products,
—in fish, flour, lumber, pork, tobacco, cotton, and other surplus commodities, are consigned annually to destruction.
Twelve Millions of Revenue,
derived from foreign commerce, are cut off.
Even our
own Coasting Trade,
from Georgia, to Maine, is interdicted;—
Gun-Boats
intercept, insult and make prize of coasting vessels—committing outrages upon our seamen, as if they were enemies. Every
river
and
inlet
is beset with revenue officers and collectors, and the small craft made to take out licenses—enter into penal bonds—subjected to vexatious seizures and prosecutions—and to
Never before was a general and
perpetual
Embargo laid upon a great commercial people;—at a time, too, when three-fourths of the world are open to our commerce, offering the most lucrative trade, and free from risk: England, Scotland, Ireland, the East Indies, China, Sweden, all the English; Spanish and Portuguese Islands, and all South-America, offer a free commerce:—Bonaparte has no navy to disturb it, and our merchants can estimate their own risks.
This ruinous measure is to be
persevered in.
We have it now from undoubted authority, that nothing will be done by our President until the French and English shall bend to one demands, or make peace with each other—events which we have reason to believe are far distant.
We cannot, fellow-citizens, “remain where we are.”
Those
who have brought upon us these misfortunes could not, even if they wished it, rescue the country. The confidence of our citizens is withdrawn from them; and foreign powers no longer trust in their sincerity; or have respect for their ability.
To disentangle ourselves from these mazes of error and confusion—to restore our councils and constituted authorities,—to establish friendship with foreign powers, by plain and honest negotiation, and truly neutral conduct—to prevent war with England, and to re-instate our citizens in their just rights of agriculture, industry and commerce—if we would do these things, we must CHANGE
our public councils.
— A great and generous effort is making in other States, to
revive the Washington policy;
and the people, with enthusiastic feelings; are once more uniting under the federal standard.
It were no doubt vain to address ourselves to office-holders and expectants of office—to those who yet blindly confide in systems which have reduced us to the present extremity— But they are few in number. To our fellow-men in the private walks of life—to the great body of American citizens,—to those who love peace and sincerity, we make our appeal:—Not warped by lust of power, or emoluments of office,
they
will be impartial between
public men.
A trial has been made, and the
time is arrived
when we must choose between the
friends and principles of Washington,
and the
friends and principles of Jefferson.
Twelve years of experience on one side raising our country to the height of prosperity, and eight years on the other?inking it to insignificance and distress, must qualify us to determine.
Indeed, judgment is already given;—the great
American people,
awakened to their danger, and the causes of it, have resolved on a change of men and measures. In this crisis of affairs, their minds naturally turn to the supporters of those impartial and pacific principles, which influenced federal councils. Throughout the United States, the great body of federal republicans remain undivided. No contentions for office, no jarring factions, weaken their efforts in the public cause. True to our country, and devoted to its institutions, we desire no greater good than to preserve them. These new theories—these shifting experiments—these fallacious schemes, which forever occupy the ignorant and enthusiastic, comport not with solid peace and regulated liberty.
There is but one ground on which we can hope to maintain the permanent peace and independence of our country—It is
Federal Republicanism.
This was the standard of those times when all was prosperous. The various factions which have sprung up, and under different names have had their day, are falling into insignificance, and true Americans every where returning to those principles which Washington approved, and to the support of those characters who desire once more to procure the blessings of peace, and the enjoyment of rational and solid liberty.—We are aware, fellow-citizens, that even this appeal to you will be denounced and cried down—but read and judge for yourselves—and, no longer misled by false pretensions of interested men now in power, come forth and unite on the ground of a WASHINGTON AND FEDERAL POLICY.Oct.
1808.]