Washington, DC, 1999.
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SIR,
When I undertook the Editorship of the
Political Economist,
it was in the fond expectation that there would be no difficulty in procuring a sufficient number of subscribers to pay the mere expense of printing and paper. Nothing more was calculated on. If there was to be any profit, it was to belong to the printer—and I was to be answerable for any loss. To support the publication required only a subscription for 250 copies.
Far from wishing to make a profit by it, I have sought to have it republished in Boston, New York, and Baltimore, which a few persons by moderate exertions might have accomplished. But all my urgent representations on the subject have been ineffectual.
My expectations, however moderate, have been utterly disappointed. There are only 83 copies subscribed for. Six gentlemen for five copies each—Mr. Crowninshield, of Salem, six copies—the printer ten—and the remainder individual subscribers. To prosecute the work on these terms, would subject me to a loss of from 150 to 200 dollars in the single quarter, which I cannot reconcile myself to add to my past heavy sacrifices in a cause in which I have not, and never had any personal interest.
Thus circumstanced, I have resolved to suspend the publication for two weeks, in order to afford those who are interested in this great cause, to make the necessary exertions to fill the subscription. If it fails, I shall abandon the work, and shall be responsible to the printer for the balance due—about 100 dollars.
A very slender effort would be sufficient on the part of half a dozen persons.
The cause will, I am fearful, fail in Congress this session, as it has heretofore done—and merely for want of a co-operation in the dissemination of the truth during the three last years. On this subject a lamentable infatuation has prevailed, of which few examples occur in history. Men whose temporal salvation is at stake on this question—of whom some, who will probably be bankrupted by its failure, would derive advantage to the amount of from 500 to 1000 dollars per annum by its success—have shrunk from an expenditure of a few dollars to aid in dispelling the mists of prejudice and folly in which this subject is involved! It is difficult to conceive of greater impolicy and insanity. An indifference for the public welfare is an every day occurrence. But such complete disregard of private interest is not often witnessed. I have taken incredible pains, and incurred heavy expenses during that time, to excite a proper spirit—but have found my efforts wholly fruitless.
The subscription binds but for one quarter. I may, however, be disposed to continue the Political Economist for a year, should patronage enough be found merely to indemnify the printer. More I shall not require.
“I am encouraged to proceed by the enlivening conviction, that I am pleading “the cause of millions yet unborn, and of myriads of oppressed people in Europe, “yearning after a settlement in the United States, and who would as gladly flee to “us, as the Israelites to the land of Canaan, if the state of this country held out inducements “to them to emigrate from their own. These are the ennobling considerations “which have borne me up in spite of a variety of the most vexatious
* I have printed and distributed numbers of circular letters, in one instance no less than 200, addressed to influential manufacturers, offering my pamphlets at the mere cost of paper and printing, or urging to have them reprinted in Boston, New York, and Baltimore, and distributed gratis; and have never had above 4, 5, or 6 of them answered, and those with a languid indifference. In only two or three cases have any copies been taken, and even then to a very limited extent—and in no instance has one of the works been reprinted for distribution—although it might generally have been done for 50, 60, 70, 80, or 90 dollars. Had the entire expense of an edition been borne by an individual, with a capital of 50, 60, 70, or 80,000 dollars invested in manufactures, it would not be a very extraordinary act of munificence, or other than sound policy. Had I a fourth part of the interest in manufactures of cotton, wool, or iron, which some of those individuals have, I would have deluged the country with the arguments on the subject—satisfied that if only one copy in ten were read, it would be sufficient to produce the desired effect. But under the mistaken policy pursued, can it be wondered, that inveterate prejudices, which are blasting national prosperity and individual happiness, should remain unchanged in so large a portion of the community—that every attempt to avail ourselves of the blessings of heaven, is resisted with as much zeal and ardour, as if the measure were calculated to “
sell us body and soul to the nations of Europe,” to use the language of Judge Cooper—and this not by persons interested in perpetuating the existing order of things—but by some of the most estimable men in the nation, under the dominion of destructive prejudices, sanctioned by great names? No. Such withering apathy could not fail to produce this lamentable effect. The reasons assigned for this conduct are as extraordinary as the conduct itself is pernicious. Some assert, it is not worth while to write or print, as those, whom it is desirable to convince, will not read!! This is in the teeth of universal experience, and of multifarious and striking cases of most decided enemies of the protection of manufactures being converted into zealous partisans by single pamphlets or essays, and those not by any means the most cogent. Others, wisely assert, that it is improper for the manufacturers to go to any expense, or make any exertions in the cause, as they are parties interested!!!—thus absurdly assigning as a reason for apathy, indifference, and economy, the very motives which ought to excite to energy, activity, and liberality. If the parties suffering by a deleterious policy, will not exert themselves to have a remedy applied, who can be expected to make exertions? Is this mistaken course ever pursued by any other body of men? Others, again, aver that it is injurious to write or memorialize congress on the subject, as the cogency of the reasoning, leading foreigners to conclude that the cause must prevail, they inundate our markets with extra quantities of goods to avoid the increased duties!!!It would be endless to enumerate the reasonings in defence of a course of conduct, pregnant with ruin to the parties by whom it is pursued. It is to be hoped they will be henceforth abandoned for ever.
“Truths would you teach—or save a sinking land—
“All fear—none aid you—and few understand.”
Let me request you to use your exertions in this cause, and let me hear from you as early as possible.
Your obedient humble servant,
MATHEW CAREY.
Philadelphia, March
2, 1824.