>> From the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. [ Silence ] >> Welcome, welcome to the African & Middle Eastern Division of the Library of Congress. And my name is Laverne Page and I'm a librarian at the University. I'm an area specialist in the African and Middle Eastern Division in the African Section. And I work mainly with the Southern African Region. And we have an unexpected treat today with Dr. David Birmingham's visit to the Library of Congress. And I should say that this visit is mainly due to the fact that the African Studies Association is holding its annual meeting here in Washington and Dr. Birmingham is here to participate in the Lusophone African Studies Organization Roundtable. This program is being webcast and I should inform you that if you speak, you're giving tacit approval to your image, your voice. And this program will be available later on Library of Congress websites. Dr. Birmingham who is standing so patiently, looking at me reading my notes was born in England and he spent most of his childhood in Switzerland. He spent his teen years in Ghana. His father was a professor at the University of Ghana and Dr. Birmingham went to college also in Ghana. And as a teen, he wandered around the African continent and he then published his first book in 1965. And the title of that book was "The Portuguese Conquest of Angola." And he informed me that that book was pirated or very moderately, we should say, that it was used maybe by the captains who later overthrew the Portuguese Government. [ Noise ] >> Dr. Birmingham has taught history in West and in East Africa at the London School of Oriental and African Studies and at the University of Kent and he has been retired for 10 years but he is still speaking and writing and informally teaching, I would think. And there's a great deal to say about him and I will let him tell you his stories. I should just say, though, that there's a lot of interaction among Africanist and among historians and a colleague was telling me today about Saint Claire Drake also about Dr. Birmingham being invited to give us a talk, a lecture to the first group, the Peace Corps Volunteers going out to Africa. He has written numerous books which we have here at the Library of Congress and articles and he's just been very, very busy in his retirement. And so now I will leave it to Dr. Birmingham to tell you more about his work and interactions and history of Africa. Thank you. >> Thank you Laverne. Is this microphone working? Yeah, good. What I was asked to do about four days ago and that's all the notice I had was to talk about the re-sourcing of history okay. Re-sourcing of history, how does one think again about the process of becoming a historian and thinking about what is the evidence one is going to use to answer the questions that historians ask. Now asking the questions is the key art of an historian. The answers come afterwards and that's important. But the questions are important. Now when it comes to re-sourcing history, the answer is very simple. What you've got to do is winkle out all the details that do not appear on the internet. Now I retired before the internet was invented and therefore I've never had anything to do with the internet, with computing, with that kind of data. But I am told by friends of mine that is has real problems. That it has a kind of series of blind spots which we're not seeing. But it potentially maybe even has censorship which we're certainly not admitting to. But a whole lot of ways in which the internet isn't actually the best way of writing history which is living and which is close to what's happening on the ground or what's happening on the ground. Now I'll tell you a story here about a young Angolan. I mentioned Angola because the whole of my talk is about Angola that's the country I know best. That's the country that I've been invited to Washington some months ago to speak about next Friday. A young Angolan, a former Catholic priest, who decided to write a doctoral thesis on the relationship of church and state, a very good subject, an important subject if you're in Africa the church plays a role which sometimes is larger than that of the state. And it so happens that I posses on the landing in my house 30 box files of papers, clippings, cuttings, graduate student papers, draft of things, 30 boxes, and so I said to him-- very reluctantly I said, "Would you like to borrow my 30 boxes of papers." "Oh no," he said," if it's not on the internet, it doesn't interest me." So, you know, we have got problems that there is evidence out there which needs to be looked at. So, Angola it is and 50 years ago-- 50 years ago exactly, Angola hit the headlines. It hit the headlines in 1961. Now it just so happens that I'm so ancient that I was around I was witnessing what was going on. And the first thing that happened was there was a cotton famine. I'm sure you all know that cotton is a crop. It doesn't actually deliver the goods. It's not one which makes profit. Indeed in this country, I believe, you used slaves to harvest it because nobody else would do it. Well in Africa, it was harvested by colonial subjects and the colonial government said, "You will plant cotton for the governor." And this meant that people were unable to feed their children. It meant that they weren't able to grow enough of the crops they needed. It meant they weren't able to tend their livestock. They weren't able to go out and forage. And so famine broke out. And the then ruler of the Portuguese Empire was a gentleman called Antonio Salazar who modelled his politics to some extent on those of Mussolini. He wasn't a fascist but convert fascist [inaudible] of commerce. And he was told look you mustn't press, things are serious. And he wrote back and this is the quotation which I have not been able to trace. I've seen it but my scholarly intellects are so bad that I haven't got the footnote. And what he said is famine is a figment of the Bantu imagination. Now there is a phrase which I think actually resonates and you probably won't find on the internet. You can try and if you find it, let me know. The second thing that happened in Angola was there was also a big crisis over the picking of coffee. Now coffee is profitable crop. You can make a lot of money out of grain coffee. And indeed, Angola was I think the fourth largest producer of coffee in the world after Brazilian, Columbia and whatnot. But there's a lot of profit and the land have been taken over by immigrants from Europe and the owners of the land we're being marginalized and indeed all owners of plantations have previously sold their coffee. So many found that they are being turned into day laborers on somebody else's estate and it was their land. And so they protested quite vigorously and there was a conflict. And you will find, I'm sure, a lot evidence on the internet about this conflict. It was a well-known American Scholar who wrote about it of great detail. What you probably won't find is that a great many of the people working on those plantations picking that coffee were gastarbeiters. They were migrant workers. They had come from the south of Angola and had been bust in as [inaudible] labor, to pick the coffee and [inaudible] process. And so the local population in the North said< We don't like this." And when you read figures about the massacres that occurred during the coffee revolution of March 1961, you probably won't find evidence that many of the victims were actually the migrant workers from South Angola who had been brought to North Angola and we're extremely poorly seen by people whose jobs and land had been stolen. >> And so if later on you're interested in Angola and you find that there is real division between the north and the south. Go back to March of 1961 and remember that here was quite a lot of very bad blood between northerners and southerners at that time. Now the third aspect of 1961 and this will interest those of you who happen to be American citizens, I'm not, I'm a foreigner, I'm just visiting here, because Laverne twisted my arm and said, "Will you come to Washington." It concerns the Azuls, now we call them the Azuls, but Americans call them the Azuls. And there is an American Military Base on the Azuls in 1961 and at that time American airplanes were a bit rudimentary. They couldn't get to Israel without refueling. And so they said we need the Azuls which were in the middle of the Atlantic as a refueling spot between Washington and Televiv. And the Portuguese said, "Ah, but you have been saying that Africa is for the Africans and the places like Angola should get their independence." If you believe that, we would close your base on the Azuls. You will have to do without the Portuguese Islands in the middle of the Atlantic. And so the American Government which had just elected a clean shinny new President who I think was called John F. Kennedy is that right, is that the name? And he said, "Oh dear. That is a problem. We will reverse our policy. We will not say Africa is for the Africans. Africa is for the Africans in the west and east but not in Angola." And you've got trouble with your cotton pickers and with your coffee pickers and with certain rebellious educated young men in the city, we will sell you cheap cut price napalm to deal with the problem. So the war in Angola draws America in, in a way that might have been totally unexpected because they we're fighting on the side of the white settler governments rather than on the side of the black nationalists. Okay, so if you want history, we have a little bit of chronology 61 or 50 years ago seems to me is a good place to start. But there are all sorts of other things that we could say about the experience of the colonial presence in Africa and some of them are little bit surprising. And so I'm going to list some them which might not occur to you. And Laverne happened to mention that I spent my childhood in Switzerland of all completely lost places a little village in the Alpine vastness. [ Inaudible Remark ] >> We're having a problem? >> Yes. Yes. >> So you want that mic further than this one? >> Both. >> Both? Okay. >> Maybe if this goes up higher. >> Well, I'm sorry you've missed the most interesting bits but I will carry on. Is that better? >> Yes. >> Are you hearing more? Sorry, you should have spoken up sooner, shouldn't you? [Laughter] Okay, so Switzerland, one of the non-imperial nations of Europe. Okay? [ Inaudible Remark ] >> Right. Switzerland has quite important missionary stations in Angola. And as I said at the beginning, the church is some places more important than the state as far as the quality of life is concerned of people living in Africa. And so there is a Swiss dimension to Angolan history and there were some recent researches been done on the Swiss in Africa and in Angola by distinguished people. But one of the things that is very interesting is that one of the political leaders of Angola was a man who called himself Dr. Jonas Savimbi. You may have heard of him. He actually had fairly good relations with various American agencies of destabilization and of war by proxy in Africa that sort of thing. But the thing that interests me which you can go and may look for is what did the title of doctor mean? I don't think he had doctorate. He started life as a medical student and I know because I've got the records that he never completed his medical studies and so he wasn't a doctor in that sense. And then he went on to become a political scientist and he studied as a political scientist and he may have got his bachelors degree. I don't know that for certain but he may have done at the University of Lausanne. Now in Portugal, if you get your bachelor's degree you're known as doctor. So when I was a student wandering around Africa I was always Dr. Birmingham although, you know, I barely had scrapped BA. So Savimbi may have had a bachelor's degree and called himself doctor. But there's another dimension and again because I don't do the internet I haven't checked it up but it would be very interesting and that is that the University of Lausanne occasionally found it expedient to give honorary doctorates and the most famous of them is the one that the University of Lausanne gave in the 1930s to Benito Mussolini in order to discourage him from cannibalizing Switzerland when he was building up his empire. And so Mussolini has an honorary doctorate from Lisbon and my question is, did Savimbi also have an honorary doctorate from Lausanne? I don't know the answer but you're talking about re-sourcing history. There is a little question which there might be sources to investigate. Okay, shall we move on to say should we try 1975, is that a date which resonates at all? It's the date at which after the captains had overthrown the Portuguese Government and had published my first book in Portuguese Pirated translation. They moved towards giving independence to Angola. And one of the exiled leaders of Angola was a man called Agostinho Neto. Now, the interesting thing about Neto was that he was arrested as a student in, I think, 1962 in Lisbon. And a young lawyer in London called Peter Benenson was so shocked that this African student had been arrested simply for expressing his opinions. He wasn't throwing bombs. He wasn't doing anything radically. He was just saying look, you know, should we reconsider the colonial agenda and he was locked up. And Peter Benenson said, "This is not good. This will not do." And so on half of his lawyer's desk in the strand in London, he set up an organization which is called Amnesty International. Now, some of you may have heard of Amnesty International. It is one which causes the mad bomber in the United States because they keep on bombarding governors of Texas who believe in hanging people and that sort of thing. But anyway, Amnesty International was set up and its first prisoner of conscience was Agostinho Neto, the leader of one of the liberation movement in Angola. And it just so happens that on the day Agostinho Neto was due to arrive back in Angola after 15 years of exile, I happen to have been there. And I was standing on my balcony in Luanda and there was a plane coming in and whole lot of trace of bullets going up towards it and I thought, just a minute what's happening here? Somebody doesn't like the idea of Agostinho Neto becoming the next leader of Angola and they're trying to shoot down his plane. Well, that may have been true, I can't prove it, but what I can prove is that they were firing at the wrong plane. The plane they were shooting at was actually a South African passenger plane who didn't have Agostinho Neto on board. They did hit but not fatally so it licked it wounds and turned back, moved back Johannesburg and Agostinho Neto arrived on another plane and went on to become the President of Angola. And so, you know, when friends of mine say, "Ah, but you know you're always in the right place the right time." It just so happens that I did meet Agostinho Neto because when he finally left prison and came to London, invited by Amnesty International, nobody on that half of a desk in London spoke a word of Portuguese. So during that meeting do you speak Portuguese? Can you come meet this poet we don't understand? Agostinho Neto was a poet and so I had met him and discussed with him on his first day out of prison before he became President. So these are the kind of little insights into history which accidentally you may come across. If you want to know more about that period of '75 which is when the transition took place from imperial rule to nationalist rule, you might do worse than to look up a novelist. >> Now novelists are to my mind a very good source of information, you know that they actually can imagine outside the box. They can think about what's happening. They can use the evidence they got and they can write about in the way that historians might be a little cautious of doing. And I don't know if any of you ever heard of a novelist called Garcia Marquez. He happens I think to be Columbian. But he wrote a very, very interesting account of the transition in Angola which was available in gray publication, it was [inaudible] and deterred, whatever you call it at the time, and it was one of the sources which I found particularly insightful into that traumatic transition of '75. But '75was also quite important. Am I running overtime? No, I'm not running overtime. It was quite important in terms of the United States as well because the United States was really rather concerned to get the right answer to the independent government that would be established and the Portuguese said, "Right, we will leave on the 11th of November, 1975, by which time there will a new government." And so the United States Government was trying to do it and they got it all wrong. They got seriously muddled up. And it just so happens that after this had happened, I was-- I was in Washington, I was here on a visit. And a friend of mine said, "Oh, there's a hearing taking place on the hill about was responsible for the failure of American Policy in Angola in November of '75." And I said, "Oh, that's very interesting, can I come along?" In state there was deadly silence. Good gracious what have we let ourselves into, a foreigner coming to listen to our hearing? However, they said, "Well, since you've heard about it, you better come." And so there I was sitting in the small room in-- on the hill and the Department of State had its representatives. The Department of Defense had it representatives. The Central Intelligence Agency had its [inaudible]. The FBI had its agencies. Kissinger's private advisers where all there. There a whole host of them. And they were sitting around this room trying to pass the buck. Trying to say who was it that got it wrong so that we got into such a muddle that we're now once again at war by proxy at this time in Africa not in Vietnam. And it was really quite an interesting episode for a not very serious traveling historian to find themselves sitting in Washington listening to this intense debate. To the embarrassment I saved the person from State who had mentioned us to be in it couldn't find a way of uninviting me. Right, however, you do have to realize Kissinger got very upset about the Texan dimension. Now, one of the things that was happening in Angola was that oil was discovered and the oil companies didn't quite know when to admit its oil companies like to find oil and then keep it secret until they've got a government they can manipulate. And they decided eventually offer independence, yes, alright this is a government which is sufficiently weak. We can control it therefore we will start pumping oil. But there was a danger of people destabilizing their onshore bases possibly even blowing up their offshore wells. And so they wanted to hire some very good mercenary soldiers to protect their installations. And the best mercenary soldiers in the world were Cubans. And so there at the big oil companies Gulf Oil, Morris or Chevron the rest who were pumping oil from offshore wells in Angola and using Cuban troops to protect their installations. But Texans didn't like to reveal too much about what their doing and eventually Henry Kissinger discovered that these oil companies were using Cubans against whom he was trying to fight a war to protect their installations and Kissinger I'm afraid got very cross about this. Now again it's something that you can probably find information about if you want re-source history. Find out what was actually happening in the early years of independence. Now, one of the reasons that Portugal was 10 years behind hand in decolonizing its colonies, Britain decided in the '50s, late '50s it would decolonize, they gave independence to Nkrumah and Nyerere and various other people. And the French decided, well, you know, they couldn't actually drag their feet any longer. And so they eventually said, well, you know, if you want independence you can have it but we will cut you off and that's what they said in New Guinea. And then they said, "Now, you can have independence so long as you remain loyal subjects of France so we'll give you flag independence. We won't give you financial independence, you'll still use our money and we will control the economy, but you could be independent." So by 1960, essentially British and French colonies were independent and Portuguese ones weren't. And the reason for this is that both Britain and France could say very easily, "Look, with independence we still control the economy. We are the neocolonial partner. We are the suppliers of industrial manufactures. We're the people who are going to keep those countries supplied with all they need in a way of motor cars and textiles and paint and cement and all the other things. They won't produce any of their own. They'll buy it from us." The Portuguese were unable to do that. Portugal was the second poorest country in Europe. The poorest country was Albania but the second poorest was Portugal. And it didn't actually have the infrastructure to become a neocolonial partner [inaudible]. So for 10 years it delayed independence. During those 10 years, Portugal moved forward very rapidly. The industrialization of Portugal in the 1960s was quite astonishing. So by 1975, they really did have a base which would have provided a neocolonial partnership but by then the Portuguese was so unpopular it wasn't viable. And so what happens with independence is the neocolonial partner of Angola becomes East Germany. That again is a dimension which is perhaps a little surprising and if you're re-sourcing history, you want to look for the surprising dimensions. You want to find that how it is that Angola becomes a partner not of West Germany as the Portuguese had always feared but of East Germany. Shall we move on to the 1980s? These are the years of austerity. These are the years in which Angola is extremely poor. These are the years where Angola unlike all the French, flag independent, 17 republics who have French money, tries to create its own money. And its money is actually very difficult to control. So what happens is that the money basis for transactions in Angola is not the kwanza, the bank note, because that is being reduced by inflation. It is the 6-pack, the 6-pack is 6 cans of beer. And that is the unit of measurement. And so if you want to go and buy something what you do is you carry your 6 packs of beer and you pay for your loaf of bread. You pay for you vegetables. You pay for whatever it may be. If you're trying to pay your rent on your room you may have to borrow a pickup truck in order to take enough 6 packs to pay for it. But this essentially is the way in which the economy operated. It operated on 6 packs of lager beer. Now I was there in, I suppose, '87 and I was talking to some of the Cuban financial advisers and educational advisers in Angola and this was quite an interesting thing to do and they were saying, "Look, you know, this will not do. We've got to have financial economic reform in this country and we've got to establish a much more traditional system not a command economy but a market economy." And so they talked to me about this and I wrote it up as an article which appeared in the Journal of Southern African Studies and if you want a copy there's a copy on my desk over there. And I was told subsequently that this article written by a traveling foreigner who just happened to be there caught the imagination with somebody other who translated in Portuguese and circulated copies of it to all the members of the Government and Cabinet of Angola. So, you know, you might say that a traveling historian can have a little bit of influence on the way things change because things did change and Angola moved, like China, to a market economy. And as they say, you know, I happen to have written a paper about how a 6-pack economy wasn't going to be terribly sustainable. Well, I have to say that the six pack economy was only part of it. The other part concerned diamonds. Traditionally, the second produce of Angola after coffee was diamonds. And the diamonds were all mined by a subsidiary of De Beers the great monopolist of diamonds in the northeastern quarter of the country. >> They created a state within a state nobody could come in, nobody could come out without permission of the De Beers Diamond Company. But it just so happened that I knew enough people, so in fact I did once spend a week inside that state within a state which was mining these diamonds which was sustaining the imperial economy. Once independency had occurred, the monopoly broke down. Everybody was looking for diamonds not just in the controlled northeast but all over the country. And so you've got these horrendous stories of women who essentially were slaves working in cold water up to their waists hauling up buckets of mud which were then washed and sifted to produce small diamonds. And diamonds became the second currency of Angola. So if you went around the embassies, you went around the nongovernmental agencies of Luanda and they were dealing with important things like real estate management, they we're dealing in matchboxes full of small gem diamonds. So that was the 2nd currency. And if you we're the opposition trying to overthrow the Marxist government of Agostinho Neto, if you were the followers of Jonas Savimbi, then you use these diamonds to sell them abroad. And so these women who were digging up mud for Jonas Savimbi, the diamonds then went not to capital of the diamond world. The capital of the diamond word is in Antwerp that's where you cut diamonds, that's where you send them to Hatton Garden where they market it in London. They found an alternative circuit. What happens is these diamonds were being sold to a rival diamond center Tel Aviv, so that is where diamonds were going from the wild diamond mines in Angola. And then from Tel Aviv, they were converted into hard currency and the hard currency went to Ukraine and Ukraine had an enormous supply of redundant weapons, aircraft and other such things. And so Angola has this close connection with Ukraine diamonds being sold for military hardware. Now, one of the people who get involved in this diamond trade is the daughter of the President. A young lady called Isabela dos Santos. I'm told, but I haven't checked it out that she actually has a degree in politics from the University of London. Whether that's true or not, I don't know. But she certainly had a business brain and so she took up diamond trading in a big way. And when De Beers realized that there was a real danger that because so many blood diamonds were going into the chain, the diamonds would demonized in the same way that fur coats were. Do you remember Brigitte Bardot demonized fur coats and said no self-respecting person in Europe or America will wear fur coat again because it's cruel to animals? De Beers really felt as though the same might happen to diamonds so many blood diamonds were coming out of Syria and coming out Liberia, coming out of the Congo, but diamonds might suddenly become an unacceptable form of ornamentation for middle class and rich women. And so Angola signs the Kimberly Agreement which controls the origins and sources of diamonds. And I presume it's because Isabela, daughter of the President, was one of the main traders in diamonds and therefore from her point view, she didn't want her market to be spoiled by the thought that Angola was selling blood diamonds and so they joined the Kimberly Agreement. We move on to 2002. In 2002, the third of the great Angolan wars came to an end. The first war was the colonial war the Portuguese against the nationalist. The second war the war of intervention, the gawkers [phonetic] of America who were to come up from South Africa, and the gawkers of Moscow who'd came across from Cuba at the war intervention which went on throughout the '80s. 1992 a peace is orchestrated between by the outside powers. The inside political leaders had very little to do it, they don't like it, and the country goes back to war. So the third war is a civil war essentially between the north and the south with two nationalist movements each fighting for control. And then eventually in 2002 the famous Jonas Savimbi, leader of the south, is killed. Now, if you're going to go and re-source history, I would like you to find for me who was that told government troops where to find Savimbi. I don't know the answer but there were a number of people who had fingers in the pie. Savimbi was partly supported, of all unlikely places, by Saudi Arabia. It may be that the government, of all unlikely friends, was being supported by Israel. So somebody was able to tell the government look you will find Savimbi in this very remote place and they did find him and they did kill him. And it so happens that very shortly afterwards I was in the place where it happened and I said to them would it be possible to go and see Savimbi's grave? No, they said, we don't think that's a good idea. We very much doubt if Savimbi is still in his grave. We think somebody would have taken him out and removed him for future use as a trophy, as a hero, as something rather, the grave is probably empty. Peace then settles in Angola. The various armies start being demobilized. The various civilians were being displaced and start being reintegrated. The victims of the war particularly women are trying to rebuild their lives. And the state government begins to rebuild the economy. Now one of the ways in which this happens is peculiarly interesting. Do you remember I mentioned a young lady called Isabela? Isabela, the daughter of the President, the second richest woman in the country, I believe the richest woman in the country was actually her stepmother, but Isabela was quite wealthy. And what I have been seeing in recent months is that Isabela is saying, "Ah, have you noticed Portugal is going down the tubes? Portugal can't pay its debts. Portugal is in real trouble. Portugal is going to bring down the Euro. It's gonna crash all European economy." So what's Isabela doing? She's adopting a policy of reverse neocolonialism. She is saying, "Ah, I've got some money here from my transactions from my diamonds." And so she's going to Portugal and she's buying up Portuguese banks which are a bit stressed at a cut price. She's buying up Portuguese telecommunications which is a very profitable thing to do because Africa has no landlines. It only has telecommunications. Portugal has telecommunications. So there's Isabela in Portugal quietly buying up telecommunications. And so reverse neocolonialism is the name of the game when you get to the end of the first decade of the 21st century. Okay, I think that is point of which I have said enough and more than enough. And so I should stop. But since Laverne is a librarian if you want to know more, if you go and look on her shelves, you will find that there about 42 ISBN numbers with my name attached to them. You'll find that there are about 30 essays some of which she's got over there in which have written about some of the things I'm telling you about. You will also find that the person sitting over there who is my long term colleague has got a couple of reports on Angola which I wrote for the British Parliament and I don't have copies of them but she does. Okay, Laverne is that enough? [ Inaudible Remark] [ Laughter ] [ Applause ] >> Could you take questions? >> Oh, in deed I could take questions. >> Well the first thing that comes to my mind is you mentioned-- you described yourself several times as a traveling historian. >> Yes. >> Is that your term? >> Yes, I suppose that's my term. You know it would be pretentious to sort of say, "Ah, well, you know this is the man who used to teach in little downtown college in California called UCLA or this is somebody who actually was Chairman of the African Studies Program in University of London." There are all sorts of things I could say about myself but they're too pretentious Laverne, so I'm just a traveling historian. [ Inaudible Remark ] [ Laughter ] >> You know quite often it seems as if you were in the right place at the right time. >> This is absolutely true. I decided, you know, one couldn't cover the whole of Africa and so since I was particularly invited to come, talk about Angola next Friday in the African Studies Association of that, you know, it's Angola I would talk about. But as you know full well I did actually write a biography of Kwame Nkrumah. And I did actually meet him on one occasion. And more interesting that perhaps, I interviewed his first Head of State. Now do you know who the first Head of State of Nkrumah was when he gained independence? Elizabeth II. [ Inaudible Remark ] >> The Queen, Elizabeth-- what's her name Windsor was Head of State in Ghana for the first three years of independence. And so when I was writing this poetry I happened to have met and I'm told that, you know, you do not ask questions of the Queen that is absolutely. She sets the agenda but I didn't know this. And so I said, "Do you remember Kwame Nkrumah?" She said, "Oh, of course, I remember Kwame Nkrumah he'd come to stay with me." And she inherited, I think, six prime ministers or six countries from her father and Nkrumah was one of them. So there you are. The right place at the right time by accident and being young and impertinent I even interviewed the Queen. [ Inaudible Remark ] >> Yes? >> How did you spent your teenage year-- [inaudible] teenage years in Ghana and going to in Ghana, how did you migrate to Angola? >> Some people really do ask most impertinent questions. The answer to that is that I was a student in the University of Ghana and the only white student in the University of Ghana so that means the other 2,000 were all black. But the other 2,000 had all gone to colonial secondary schools, residential schools and they had all, as a matter of course, studied Latin because that's what one did in colonial secondary schools. I had gone to a remote village school somewhere in the Swiss Alps and did not study Latin and halfway through my degree I come across this terrible fact that one of the papers you needed to graduate was a translation paper. And they said well make it easy for them we'll make it in Latin. And I didn't have any Latin. So how was I going graduate? So I got the book out all 600 pages of it and on page 343 footnote 6 said, "Students studying history in Africa will find a paucity of Latin documents and if they so wish, they may do their translation paper from Portuguese instead of Latin." So I went scampering off to Portugal. I spent 6 weeks doing an intensive course in Coimbra in Portugal to learn Portuguese. I brought myself a really good dictionary which we were allowed to have. When I came back and I translated a piece of Portuguese with the dictionary and I got my degree. So it's a good question. Yes. >> Professor Birmingham, you mentioned in the beginning about a student who is using internet and you had to use [inaudible]. >> Yes, yes. >> As a professor and, you know, what would you advise student to do when they're looking at [inaudible] today, they will use the internet anyway. >> Yes. >> So what would you advise them to do? How would you guide them? How would you resource-- have them to resource their research? >> Yes. Again, an absolutely brilliant and essential question. Of course they're going to use the internet and you and I hardly do use it myself because, you know, I'm not really in the way of information technology. But yes you must use it and there is a lot of data out there which wouldn't otherwise be available and you have to use it. But you have to go further than that. You have to actually almost certainly go to the ground you're working on and you have to put your ear to the ground. You have to listen to what people are saying. You have to listen-- For instance if you want to follow the history of Angola, you go and listen to the songs of protest that are being sung down in the working class areas as to what people are saying about their experience of government, their experience of the whole process of decolonization. You have to find things which the internet can't cope with. And so I think, you know, being present, knowing people possibly learning languages is important and you know I had this huge advantage that actually can speak fairly fluently four different languages and this means that, you know, people are not frightened of you. If you are struggling with their language, they're going to be nervous. They're going to say, "Well, you may-- you misunderstand." If you can speak reasonably colloquially in the language of the people you're studying. And so when I did the history of Switzerland which I did after I retired, people said you can't do that Switzerland is totally private country nobody will speak to you. But I went up into the mountains and I started talking to the farmers about how they used their time, how they used their labor, how they used their families, and how much choices they made about pastoralism and agriculture and forestry, and all questions which are absolutely fundamental to African history and I found that these farmers because I could speak their language, because their schoolmasters had also be my schoolmasters. So I had an entry point. So I think you've go find your entry point. Everybody will have a different one but it is important to have it. It is important to be able to listen to people who are actually there, who are the living descendants of the process that you're trying analyze. But, yes, now I don't deny at all that the internet is an incredible resource and I'm just amazed that, you know, when Clinton was elected President it still hadn't got a name. They thought it might be called the information super highway. And in fact they called the internet instead. But it is a very new tool and I have never really come to terms with it. So my weakness. [ Laughter ] >> You mentioned using songs-- >> Yes. >> -- listening laborers who had been to protest, what about rap music today? >> Absolutely. >> How would you use something like rap music in Angola to explain something? >> Yeah, yeah. Well, I have what is known as a flannel ear which means I can't hear music and I don't even know what rap music is. But I do have friends and your friends are very important when you're re-sourcing history. And one of the people that I would go to immediately is a woman called Marissa Moorman and she is professor of history at the University of Indiana in Bloomington, Indiana Bloomington not the other one. And she does a great deal about music and she has an ear which can hear what are the tones of the music which will reveal what's going on in the minds of people who wouldn't dare to speak out politically because, you know, there is still a fairly controlling police in Angola. But just as the colonial police didn't know how to read poetry and so a lot of the protest in the Portuguese empire in poetry form is something which does exist because the police didn't realize they ought to be censoring poems. They weren't censoring politics. So too with the music, you can use it and should use it. And so I think next time in Luanda go and find out what they're singing down in the bakeshop. >> It seems that literature is very strong in Angola, in other Portuguese speaking areas of Africa. >> Yes. >> Why? >> You're absolutely right the last time I was in this building was 10 years ago and you had a huge a great cardboard box under your desk which is absolutely filled with novels written in Portuguese by Africans, you don't remember that but I do. And this literature really is quite revealing and I think that one of the things one has to say about the Portuguese colonies or at least about Angola is that a lot of people did learn Portuguese and Portuguese does become a much wider language in Angola than the colonial languages within several other countries. And so, you know, if you into a bar in Ghana people will be talking Ghar, I can't know whatever they're talking. And in Angola they may well be talking in Portuguese. And there's a very nice story about how the football team from Zambia arrived in Angola to play a match. And the Angolans we're terribly shocked. They said, but all these players are talking to each other in Bemba, but you're not, that's a bush vernacular, why aren't talking a proper civilized, wheels be Portuguese. And so a lot of Portuguese, a lot of Angolans use Portuguese as their first language not as their second language, not the language you fill in your tax return in but as the language you actually communicate with your fellow football players. And so there's a lot of very, very good writing. Please. [ Inaudible Remark ] >> Yes. [ Inaudible Remark ] >> Yes. >> But what you're speaking here in African History is the use oral history, to use a culture and literature in being there at the right time that's entirely different set of resources than what we find are [inaudible]. Can you help director that way and how did you move in to doing the kind of history asking the historians do which is quite different and what, at least, in the '60s European and American historians were doing? >> The short answer is cheat. I actually did my original thesis essentially using very traditional documents. And yes you're right, you know, Roland Oliver who's the great patron of African History, founded the Journal of African History and the African Studies Association in Westford. >> He did realize that work that had gone before which was limited, tended to be out of French or British and that, you know, the Portuguese Empire essentially history wants to boo under the fascist regime, fascist regime lasted for 48 years and during that time you could only talk in terms of the glory Henry the Navigator or whatever. And you couldn't talk about real history. And so the Portuguese colonies and Portugal itself we're deprived of history. And so Roland Oliver said, right, you know, you can have Angola in the following year. A very bright young man called [inaudible] and he said [inaudible] you can have Guinea. And then a young American got turned up and called [inaudible]. So it's possibly the young lady supervisor and said you can have Mozambique. And so it happened [inaudible] the three of us actually very rapidly wrote books on these three countries and then, you know, it's expanded from there. But as far using other sources [inaudible] this comes later. This is an awareness. Okay, yes, when writing my thesis I did travel around the Angola. I was hitch hiking in the country I was staying with Swiss Missionaries who could tell me very different account of the experience of being a colony under the Portuguese and the ones who've got from official records. But essentially, my thesis was written on the 17th century and therefore I was using written documents with permission [inaudible]. Although many of those we're based on oral information which had been passed down through traditional societies. That oral information survives so long as the society and its students survive and disappears [inaudible]. So records written in 17th century on African politics are vitally important. And so having the languages-- you know, I don't have any Latin but I can guess in Italian and I guess in Spanish, you know, various things like that. But the whole idea that one actually absorbs the atmosphere of the culture, the music, the language, the poetry, the literature grows later and, yes, alright it just so happens that when I was writing my thesis I did meet Agostinho Neto and went on to become a President. And, you know, that is-- And so I was able to speak at the memorial service when he died. These are the kind of happen in stances that Laverne is talking about. Yes. [ Inaudible Remarks ] >> No, the records I was using were mostly written in Portuguese. Yes. So, you know, some of the church documentation in the Catholic Church would be in Latin. This is true. But essentially one of the things the Portuguese did, they didn't like asking questions of an historical kind. They did quite like publishing documents, raw documents. And so one of the things I was able to buy as a student was 13 huge great volumes of document relating to Angola in the 16th and 17th century. So I didn't even have to go and get my hands dirty in the archives. A lot of the material was actually in print. I imagined that Laverne got sentiment but it's no longer available. But when I was a student you could buy this up at about, you know, 2 dollars a volume. And so I had a lot of written material. [ Inaudible Remark ] >> Yes, yes. [ Inaudible Remark ] >> Yeah, yeah. This is absolutely true. But when I was an under graduate in Ghana, it was the Gulf Cost in the 1950s, the amount of published history of Africa was extremely small. And so in so far as they were any degrees anywhere America, Europe, France wherever, and dealing with Africa, it was not about African History, it was about the activities of Europeans in Africa. And so I was very fortunate and that I was the first generation that said, "Look, this is not what we're interested, we're interested in the history Africa itself." Which means going to African sources, it means finding out what Africans themselves we're saying and thinking and doing rather than simply relying on David Levingston and [inaudible] and the rest of them to tell us what they thought Africa was about. And so there was a radical transformation in the '50s from European activities in Africa to African History. And it was in 1960 that the journal of African history was launched at Cambridge. And so it's now being running 50 years. And does very much adopt the agenda that you may need to understand what actually the African agents of change are thinking and saying. And some of that does involve going and spending a lot of time interviewing people because they are not much written records. And so oral history not only of remembered tradition of old societies, but also oral tradition of the life memory of yourself and your mother and your grandfather are quite important, okay. [ Inaudible Remark ] >> Well, I would like to thank Dr. Birmingham for being here today. I learned a lot. I was also entertained I think. And he's a reference for us. I should also point out, since you mentioned the Cambridge History of Africa, we're in our reading room and we have this reference collection and he is a part of our reference collection. We do have the Cambridge History of Africa, the publication with Patrick-- >> Chabal. >> Chabal. We have this it's history of postcolonial Lusophone Africa. There are some other works that we have here in our reading room, in our reference collection. So we have the living reference here today. So thank you very much. 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