>> From the Library of
Congress in Washington, D.C.
[ Applause ]
>> John Van Oudenaren: Secretary
Mineta, Senator Simpson,
Members of Congress, Acting
Librarian of Congress Mao,
Ms. Compton, distinguished
guests, good evening.
And aloha to the students and
faculty of the University of Hawaii,
who are watching via live
stream on the university campus
and at the Japanese
Cultural Center of Hawaii.
And also a special greeting
the Aloha Boy Scout Council.
On behalf of the Library of Congress
it is my pleasure to welcome you
to this evening as we continue a
wonderful five-year collaboration
with the Daniel K. Inouye Institute
to commemorate the life, legacy,
and values of the late
Senator Daniel Inouye.
Before we commence the program,
I ask you to take a moment
and silence your mobile
phones and electronic devices
so that they do not
interfere with our speakers.
I'll also make you aware that
this event is being recorded
for future placement on
the Library's website.
I'll take a few minutes to introduce
the program and the speakers,
and then we'll turn it over
to the substantive discussion.
Daniel K. Inouye was a
lionesque figure in Washington
and in his home state of Hawaii.
Born September 7th, 1924 in
Honolulu, Inouye graduated
from high school not six months
after the United States
entered into war against Japan.
Coming out of the University
of Hawaii as a premed student,
Inouye volunteered and
was the youngest member
of the famous 442nd
regiment of the US Army --
a unit of Japanese-American
soldiers who fought gallantly
in the European theatre
of operations.
On April 21st, 1945
Inouye was wounded
in battle and lost his right arm.
He returned home with a
Distinguished Service Cross,
Bronze Star Medal,
two Purple Hearts,
and 12 other medals and citations.
From there Inouye graduated
college and law school
and entered into public service.
Elected into the territorial
House of Representatives
when Hawaii became the
nation's 50th state,
Inouye became Hawaii's first
representative to the US House,
followed by his election
to the US Senate
as America's first
Japanese-American senator.
In his near half a century in
Washington Inouye served as a member
of the Senate Watergate Committee,
chairman of the Senate Iran-Contra
Committee, and long-time member
of the Senate Appropriations
Committee,
which he chaired from 2009 to 2012.
Inouye passed away on
December 17th, 2012.
He was awarded the
Congressional Medal of Honor
for his military service
and was posthumously awarded the
Presidential Medal of Freedom,
becoming the first senator
to receive both the Medal
of Freedom and the Medal of Honor.
Tonight the John W. Kluge Center
at the Library of Congress
and the Daniel K. Inouye
Institute present the second
in a five-year distinguished
lecture series
to commemorate Daniel Inouye's
commitment to bipartisanship,
moral courage, public
service, and civic engagement.
Our first lecture last year featured
Madeleine Albright and Colin Powell
and addressed bipartisanship and
the US engagement with the world
around us, exploring how
leaders have cast aside political
differences at home in order
to act in the best interests
of the nation abroad and how
they might do so in the future.
This evening our speakers will
consider the delicate balance
between protecting civil liberties
and safeguarding national security.
They will consider historical
precedence from World War II
and explore some of the issues
created in the wake of the events
of 9/11 by the passage
of the Patriot Act.
The event is made possible
by a generous donation
from the Daniel K. Inouye Institute.
And we are privileged this
evening to have the senator's widow
and the driving force
behind his legacy,
Mrs. Irene Inouye, in attendance.
I ask you to please join
me in recognizing her.
[ Applause ]
>> John Van Oudenaren: I now would
like to introduce our
distinguished panelists
who tonight will address
the protection
of national security
and civil liberties.
Throughout his career, the
honorable Norman Y. Mineta served
as US Secretary of Transportation,
US Secretary of Commerce,
and as a member of Congress.
In 1942 when he was ten
years old, Secretary Mineta
and his family were among
the 120,000 Americans
of Japanese ancestry
forced from their homes
and into internment camps by the
US government following the attack
on Pearl Harbor by Japan.
They would remain interned for
the duration of World War II.
Secretary Mineta and
his family are interned
in a camp near Cody, Wyoming.
It was there that Mineta, a
Boy Scout, met Al Simpson,
who visited the camp with
his local Boy Scout troop.
This marked the beginning
of a life-long friendship.
Returning to his hometown of
San Jose, California in 1945,
he graduated from the University of
California at Berkeley and served
as a US Army intelligence officer
during the Korean conflict.
In 1967 he became the first
Asian Pacific-American member
of the San Jose City Council,
becoming the city's
vice-mayor in 1968.
In 1974 he was elected
to the US Congress
where he served for 20 years.
Throughout that time, Mineta
was a constant advocate
in the area of civil rights.
He founded and served
as the first chairman
of the Congressional Asian
Pacific-American Caucus.
He served as the principal authorize
and driving force behind what became
the Civil Liberties Act of 1988,
which officially apologized
to Americans
of Japanese ancestry
for the internment.
In 2000, President Bill Clinton
appointed Mineta Secretary
of Commerce, making him the
first Asian Pacific-American
cabinet secretary.
In 2001, President George W.
Bush appointed Mineta Secretary
of Transportation where
he served until 2006 --
one of the very few Americans
to have served in the cabinet
of presidents from two parties.
Following the terrorist
attacks of September 11th, 2001,
Mineta guided the creation
of the Transportation Security
Administration, an agency with more
than 65,000 employees, marking
the largest mobilization
of a new federal agency
since World War II.
Alan K. Simpson served in
the United States Senate
as a member of the Republican Party.
In addition to his public
service, Simpson taught
at the Joan Shorenstein
Center on the Press, Politics
and Public Policy at Harvard's
University Kennedy's School
of Government and served for
two years as the director
of the Institute of Politics
at the Kennedy School.
Simpson graduated from the
University of Wyoming in 1954.
Upon graduation, he was
commissioned as an ROTC officer.
He served overseas in the
fifth infantry division
and in the second armor division
in the final months of the army
of occupation in Germany.
Following his honorable discharge in
1956, he returned to the University
of Wyoming to complete
his study of law,
earning his juris doctorate
degree in 1958.
After serving for a short time as
Wyoming Assistant Attorney General,
Simpson joined his father in
the law firm of Simpson, Kepler,
and Simpson in his hometown of Cody.
He would practice law there
for the next 18 years.
During that time, he was very active
in all civic community
and state activities.
He also served ten
years as City Attorney.
He was elected to the United
States Senate in November 1978
and served until early 1997.
From 1985 to 1995, Simpson
was the Republican Whip,
the assistant Republican
leader in the Senate.
During his time in office
he was chairman the Veterans
Affairs Committee.
He also chaired the Immigration
and Refugee Subcommittee
of the Judiciary, the Nuclear
Regulation Subcommittee,
the Social Security Subcommittee,
and the Committee on Aging.
In early 2010 he was named to
cochair the National Commission
on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform,
focused on tackling the
United States' deficit.
He was a member of
the Iraq Study Group
and the Commission on
Presidential Debates.
The conversation will be
moderated by Anne Compton,
former ABC News White
House correspondent.
Ann Compton joined ABC News in 1973.
On September 11th, 2001 Compton was
the only broadcast reporter allowed
to remain aboard Air Force
One during the dramatic hours
when President Bush was unable
to return to Washington.
Reporting for all ABC News
broadcasts, Compton has traveled
around the globe and to all
50 states with presidents,
vice-presidents, and first ladies.
So we're just about ready to begin.
A few more administrative
notes regarding questions.
We will allot a few
minutes for questions
at the end of the conversation.
Index cards and pencils
will be distributed.
Please write your question and
hand it to one of the ushers
who will bring it forward.
We'll ask as many as
we're able to do
in the time that's available to us.
We are tweeting; the
hashtag is Inouye.
So tweet away if you are a tweeter.
And now please join me in welcoming
our distinguished panelists
to the stage.
[ Applause ]
>> Ann Compton: Well,
thank you all for coming.
A very distinguished audience
here with us in the auditorium.
And aloha to the students
in Hawaii who will be able
to not only watch this
but ask questions as well.
And you are our favorite
audience here tonight.
And I would like to welcome
both panel members as a reporter
over an arc of 40 years
here in Washington.
I have covered both men.
I know that they are not only
some of the best known names
in Washington and the most respected
voices, but I know they are also two
of the best liked people
in this town.
And that's no small achievement.
I want to start --
[ Applause ]
>> Can you believe that?
>> Ann Compton: I want
to start with --
I've known Alan Simpson since
1978 when he was elected.
And I never knew the story
about how the two of you met.
And Secretary Mineta,
let's start with you.
Tell us about moving into that
internment camp and tell us
about the cane that you carry now.
>> Norman Mineta: Well, seminal --
because I'm going to
personalize this --
but probably the most seminal moment
in my life was December 7th, 1941.
We had just returned home from
church and we had the radio on.
And pretty soon people were calling
about "What's going on in Hawaii,
and how is that going to
impact on us on the mainland?"
And so in February 19th
of 1942 President Roosevelt
signed Executive Order 9066.
And that order delegated
to the Secretary of the War
and to the Commanding General
of the Western Civil Defense Command
the ability to evacuate persons.
It didn't say German, Japanese,
Italian; it said just the ability
to evacuate and intern persons.
The Commanding General
of the Western Civil Defense
Command was a General Dewitt.
And General Dewitt postured
that if the Japanese were able
to attack Hawaii, they
would probably be able
to attack the West Coast.
And then if they attacked
the West Coast,
because there were 120,000 people
of Japanese ancestry in Washington,
Oregon, and California,
he had coined the phrase
"Once a J-a-p, always a J-a-p."
And if he figured if the
military forces came,
120,000 people would join
up with the military forces.
So he used Executive Order
9066 to commandeer racetracks
and county fairgrounds because
they had built-in living quarters,
namely horse stables.
And so soon after February
19th, the big placards went
up in those neighborhoods
where there were many
people of Japanese ancestry.
And the big signs just said simply
"Attention all those Japanese
ancestry, alien and nonalien."
And even as ten-year-old
kid as I was reading
that I said, "What's a nonalien?"
I asked my brother, who was 19
-- nine years old than me --
he said, "That's you, a citizen."
I said, "Well, why isn't the
government calling me a citizen
instead of a nonalien?"
Now, I'm not sure how many
of you have ever stood up
and pounded your chest and
said, "I'm a proud nonalien
of the United States of America"?
I don't think you have.
And that's why to this day
I cherish the word "citizen"
because my own government wasn't
willing to use that moniker on us.
So by May of 1942, we were
being assembled to move
onto the internment sites.
And we could only take
what we could carry.
And so we were first put into
-- imprisoned at Santa Anita,
the racetrack, which is
400 miles from San Jose.
So for us it was a big, long
overnight train ride to Los Angeles,
to Santa Anita, the racetrack.
And I was ten years old and had
my Cub Scout uniform on, baseball,
baseball glove, baseball bat.
And as I got on the train,
the MP's confiscated my bat
on the basis it could be
used as a lethal weapon.
So I went running to my father,
crying that the MP's
had taken the bat.
He said, "That's all right.
We'll get it replaced."
But there were no stores in the
camps, so it never was replaced.
So I did lose my bat at the time.
And 1991 I wrote the Intermodal
Surface Transportation Efficiency
Act and that was considered
landmark legislation.
It was the first rewrite of the
National Defense Highway Act.
And the American Society of
Civil Engineers gave me the honor
of being a fellow of the American
Society of Civil Engineers.
A fellow wrote to me
from Los Angeles saying,
"Congratulations on becoming fellow.
And I was very touched by the
fact that you lost your bat
when you were ten years old.
And I want to share with you
a bat from my collection."
And when I opened the box it was
a bat signed by Hank Aaron --
he was home run king -- and Sadaharu
Oh, the home run king of Japan.
And so I thought wow.
And so --
>> Ann Compton: But that's
not the end of the story.
>> Norman Mineta: So I wrote the
fellow a letter profusely thanking
him for this wonderful gift.
And a reporter from the San
Jose Mercury News heard
about my getting the bat, so
he wrote a story about the bat.
Being an enterprising reporter
went to -- excuse me --
a sports memorabilia shop, found
out the bat was worth $1,500.
Well, the gift limitation for
those of us in Congress was $250.
So I had to pack up the bat, send
it back to him, and explaining
to him why I couldn't
accept the bat.
And I sent a copy of that
letter to the reporter.
I penned on there, "The damn
government's taken my bat again."
[ Laughter ]
>> Ann Compton: Mr. Secretary,
I'm going to bring Alan Simpson
into this now because what was
it like for you as a kid growing
up in Cody, Wyoming to go out
and visit families during wartime
who were basically American citizens
prisoner in their own country?
>> Alan Simpson: Well, it was a very
confounding time because the war --
December 7th, a beautiful
Sunday, suddenly they said,
"The Japs have attacked
Pearl Harbor."
There was no political
correctness in those days.
One of the cartoons in
the interpretive center,
a very racist cartoon of the
first order by Dr. Seuss.
Most amazing thing to
look at, the guy that went
on to charm the millions.
It was a time of hysteria.
But what it was really
time, there was nothing
between Powell and
Cody but sagebrush.
And suddenly in the
June, May of '42 --
don't forget a Japanese
submarine shelled the coast
of California in March of '42.
And they said, "How could this
possibly have happened unless
they're spies?"
So they didn't gather up anybody in
Cedar Rapids or Denver or New York.
They just took them right
off the coast -- 120,000 --
and 14,000 people came to the
sagebrush between Cody and Powell;
about fifteen miles from
Cody, ten from Powell.
And it had barbed wire,
the entire enclosure.
It was barracks.
As far as you could see, barracks.
No toilets in any of the facilities,
just a mess house where they ate,
and then their toilet in a
tar paper shack -- literally.
And they got off the train.
And at each corner were
guard towers with soldiers
and machine guns aimed inside.
Now, when you're a kid and you're
hearing on the radio every day
that the Japs have killed people
in Iwo Jima and they were taking us
to the woodshed until Midway
Island came up and we blew
up a lot of their carriers.
But it was a tough time.
Signs on the door in Cody, Wyoming,
"No Japs allowed," or "You SOB,
you killed my son in Iwo Jima."
And our scout master --
very advanced fellow --
said, "Look, they've got
scout troops out there."
I think there were three troops
and one was from San Jose.
And he said, "If any of your parents
don't want you to go, you tell me."
And only one parent said no.
And my parents said,
"These are kids.
They're just like you."
And we went out there and just
did merit badges and braiding.
I didn't have any hair to braid,
but we braided other things.
And met this cat.
And then it never ended.
He said that I tried to
drown out a bully in his camp
and that I made this
hideous laughter.
I know that's not true.
[ Laughter ]
But nevertheless, it was
a great lesson in working
through the confusion of a terrible
situation and seeing boys just --
same merit badges, same
little books, same stuff.
Terrible.
>> Ann Compton: So here we are
in 2016 and we've been through --
both of you -- have been
through 2001 and September 11th.
Are there lessons from the
internment process at a time of war,
after a time of real attack by a
known country, a known adversary
to a time now where this shadowy
terrorism and the rise of ISIS?
What lessons do you take from this?
And in the rear view mirror, does
the internment seem terribly,
terribly wrong or understandable
at the time?
Senator?
>> Alan Simpson: Well,
there's a difference.
The difference is after we rounded
up 120,000 Japanese-Americans,
very few of them were
permanent resident aliens --
some were -- the Nisei
and the Issei.
There wasn't one single case of
espionage by any Japanese-American
in any one of those camps.
It's different this time because
you're dealing with apparently
and vividly -- and
don't throw anything --
of people who like to behead people
and give women contraceptives
because you're not supposed to ever
rape a woman who could be pregnant.
These are not pleasant people.
And at some point you have to
make a distinction without getting
into hysteria and racism that
it's a very different thing now.
And that's not very
politically correct.
And you're going to have
to deal with real refugees.
And a real refugee is a person
fleeing persecution based on race,
religion, national origin,
or membership in a political
or social organization.
The dogs are tracking you
and the gunners are aiming
at you -- that's a refugee.
And if that definition
isn't met case by case --
which was something
that Kennedy and I did
and George Shultz --
you got real problems.
>> Ann Compton: Mr.
Secretary, looking back,
what should those students who are
listening to us from Hawaii know
about how you look at the
internment and how you look
at the security threat now?
>> Norman Mineta: Well, I was the
Secretary of Transportation on 9/11.
And I was having a breakfast meeting
with the Deputy Prime Minister
of Belgium, who's also the
Minister of Transport for Belgium.
And I had with me Jane
Garvey, who was the head
of the Federal Aviation
Administration.
The three of us were having
breakfast in my conference room.
My chief of staff came in
and said, "May I see you?"
So I excused myself,
went into my office.
As I went into my office,
at the other end is a
TV console on the floor.
And as I come walking in, obviously
it's the World Trade Center
and black smoke pouring out.
I said, "What's all this?"
They said, "Well, we don't know.
We've heard general
aviation into the building,
we've heard the possibility
of a commercial airliner
into the building, we've
heard the possibility
of an internal explosion
in the building."
So I looked at the TV for a
little while and went back
into the conference room
and explained to Jane
and to Mrs. [inaudible]
what I had just seen.
And so little later he came back
in and said, "May I see you?"
So I excused myself,
went into my office,
and he said it was a
commercial airliner
that went into the building.
And I was standing in
front of the TV set.
And then all of a sudden
I see something green go
across the screen, disappear on
the left-hand side of the screen,
this yellow orangey billowy cloud.
And I said, "Holy cow.
What was all that about?"
or words to that effect.
So I really watched
TV for a little while.
And I finally went into the room and
I said, "I don't know what's going
on in New York, but I know
it's going to involve me.
Jane, you've got to get back to
the operation center at the FAA
and we've got to deal
with whatever's going on."
So I excused myself and
went back into my office.
By the time I got in there,
the White House called, said,
"Get over here right away."
So I went over to the White House.
And as we're driving in, people
are running out of the White House,
they're running out of the
old executive office building.
And I said to my driver
and security guy,
"Is there something
wrong with this picture?
We're driving in and
everybody else is running out."
So I went into the White
House and Dick Clarke said,
"You got to be [inaudible].
>> Ann Compton: He was the
counterterrorism advisor
at the time.
>> Norman Mineta: "You
have to be briefed
in the situation room
by Dick Clarke."
So I went in there and he
didn't really tell me much more
than what I had already
heard on television.
Then he said, "You got
to be in the PEOC."
And I said, "The PEOC,
what is that?"
He said, "That's the Presidential
Emergency Operation Center.
It's a bunker way under
the White House."
I said, "I have no
idea where it is."
Secret Service agent standing
there said, "I'll take you."
So I went over there and
got there probably about --
I think it was about 9:20 or so.
And the vice-president was in there.
And so military aid came in,
said to the vice-president,
"There's a plane heading
towards DC."
So in the POEC there's a big, long
table probably 30 feet long; 12,
15 feet wide; chairs
all the way around;
phones between each of the chairs.
This phone I set up to my
office, this one to FAA,
sat there at that desk
talking into both phones.
And so when he said that there
was a plane coming towards DC,
said to the FAA people,
"What are you tracking
of a plane coming towards DC?"
And in the credenza behind my desk
I had a monitor with an outline
of the 48 states and
a whole bunch of dots.
I put my mouse on one of those
dots and a flag would come up
and say UA 123 -- United
Airlines flight 123 --
PDX and then a number of
navigational points, ORD.
So the plane had left Portland,
flying through these points,
going to Chicago O'Hare.
And then it would say D757 52
-- a Boeing 757 Series 200.
It would show the compass
direction, the amount of fuel left
on the plane, and a
number of other things.
But all that transponder had
been turned off on that plane.
And all they were doing
was following the blip
on the 37-second sweep of the radar.
So I said [inaudible]
"Where's the plane?"
And it's hard to relate to
a radar picture and then try
to relate it to the ground.
So he said, "Well, probably in
the middle of Pennsylvania."
So every so often I'd
say, "Where is it now?"
And so he'd try to guess.
He'd say, "Probably north
of the Baltimore now."
"And where is it now?"
"Probably near Roslyn."
"Where is it now?"
"Probably between Roslyn
and the National Airport."
"Where is it now?"
"Oops." "Oops what?"
"We just lost the bogey,
just lost the target."
"Where did you lose it?"
"Somewhere between Pentagon
City and the National Airport."
And then someone broke into
the phone and said, "Secretary,
we just got a phone call for an
Arlington County police officer
who saw an American Airlines
go into the Pentagon."
So I said, "Monty," I said,
"that's the third commercial
airliner used as a missile today.
And we don't know what
the heck is going on.
The military has something
called stand down.
We've got to do our own stand down.
We're going to bring all
the planes down right now."
And Monty said, "We will bring all
planes down per pilot discretion."
And I said, "Screw
pilot discretion,"
because I didn't want a pilot
over let's say Albuquerque
or Phoenix deciding he'd
just fly into Los Angeles.
I wanted all the planes down.
And at that point we had
5,138 planes over the skies.
And in two hours and 20
minutes we were able to get them
down all safely and
without incident.
But that morning, that Tuesday
morning, I pulled three people
out of ACS -- Aviation
Civil Security.
I said, "Start putting
together a security regimen
that we can allow the
airlines to go back up."
And so they started working
on it, pulled them out of FAA
and brought them over to my office.
And they started working on that.
And it took until Friday for
us to get the new regimen out.
>> Ann Compton: Let me ask you to
look at it now through the eyes
that we have now where terrorism
has now struck softer targets.
And do you think that the
reactions were the right one
on September 11th?
And what do students and the
rest of us now know better
as we look back on September 11th?
Is there a way to better
protect Americans,
the broader issue of
national security?
>> Norman Mineta: Well, I
think the fact that the TSA --
we established TSA
in November of 2001.
And since then there has
not been a terror incident
of any major magnitude in
our transportation system.
The thing that had been
before the case was
that we allowed the airlines
to do their own security.
And they would put
it out to low bid,
and whoever got the low
bid did the security.
Well, that proved not
to be the case.
So ACS started putting
together the regimen.
And what they started out with
at the very top was no
racial or ethnic profiling.
And that was the first one
that was in there on the list
of things that they wrote about.
Now, on Thursday, September 13th we
had a cabinet meeting of the House
and Senate Republican
and Democratic leaders.
And towards the end of that
meeting Congressman David Bonoir
of Michigan said, "Mr. President,
we have a large population
of Arab Americans in Michigan.
And they're very, very
concerned about all this talk
about keeping Middle
Easterners off airplanes,
keeping Muslims off airlines.
And even talk about rounding people
up, putting them into camps."
And President Bush said, "David,
you're absolutely correct.
We are equally concerned
about the rhetoric going on.
And we don't want to have
happen today what happened
to Norm in 1942."
And you could have hit me with a
feather and knocked me off my chair.
>> Ann Compton: Wow.
We have so much territory to cover.
I want to move ahead.
Alan Simpson, when you look back
at that time and, of course,
then in 47 days after the
September 11th attacks,
the United States Congress
passed the Patriot Act.
And you were the judiciary committee
during your time in the Senate.
Do you think the Patriot
Act was the right next move?
It's been revised,
obviously, since then.
But was that reaction
an understandable one
in terms of national security?
>> Alan Simpson: Well,
it was responding
to hysteria and fear and racism.
And, you know, I always love
it -- I don't love it --
I'm puzzled when people talk about
what happened in World War II,
that Earl Warren was
right at the forefront
of evacuating these people.
And he spent his life on the Supreme
Court trying to expiate his guilt.
Franklin Roosevelt, one of the
greatest civil libertarians
of all time, with a great
tragedy the Supreme Court
of the United States in a 6-3
decision together with the majority
of William O. Douglas said
this was perfectly okay,
a military necessity.
So people said, "Oh, how horrible."
Well, so what?
It happened and you
can't unwind history.
There was a dissent
by a guy named Murphy.
He was a hack.
He was a Democrat hack.
I hate to say that, but he was.
But he should go down in
history with the Constitution
and the Gettysburg Address.
He wrote the dissent, which in
Wyoming terms was essentially
"Military necessity my ass."
This was a total violation of the
Constitution of the United States
of America based on
race and hysteria.
We are all foreigners
in this country.
And it isn't that big as on the
wall of the interpretive center
that dear Norm raised all the
bucks -- I took some of the credit.
But these things --
I mean, it was done.
And now, you know, they're
talking about privacy.
I mean, I have another
twisted view of life:
I have no privacy, never did.
I wish they hadn't found out about
some of the stuff but, you know,
shooting mailboxes and
being on federal probation
and hitting a cop --
those are not good things.
But nevertheless, my view is very
simple: What do you got to hide?
And this thing between Apple and
the US is going to get a lot bigger.
It's going to be like bear meat --
the more you chew it,
the bigger it gets.
And at some point you're going to
find guys who are encrypted not
for going good things in the
world; they're encrypting
so they can do bad things and
then invent their own coinage
for God's sake and play bit --
I mean, the fun and games in my
lifetime in this area are going
to be full zone bullet jacket stuff.
>> Ann Compton: So where are we
now in terms of the Patriot Act
and then the USA Freedom Act,
which came on after Edward Snowden,
an analyst who had left Hawaii with
all the briefcases full of secrets
and put them out there to make
sure that they were published.
What does the United States do now?
What should Americans know
about their privacy right now
and the balance with
national security, Alan?
>> Alan Simpson: I don't know.
As I say, it's a puzzler.
You know, they're waiting
for Snowden.
They want to extradite him.
He'd love to come home, though
he ain't going to get home.
And then there pretty soon
somebody will say as we say
but your shirt, your heart fall out.
We should have him
back and all that.
Well, we will bring him back.
We'll do something in the court
system when he comes back.
I don't know.
The whole thing is shot through
with political correctness,
which when I taught at Harvard, I
told my class, "If anyone's enamored
by political correctness,
you want to get out of here.
Because we're going to talk about
everything -- the Irish troubles,
Armenian genocide,
abortion, homosexuality.
All of this will be talked
about without a muzzle."
Because I think people who say,
"I've never had a bad
thought about anything.
I'm just the sweetest
person on earth
and never had any bias
or prejudice certainly."
That's just BS.
So that's going to be one and that's
why this guy Trump is hitting all
the chords on the Phantom
of the Opera.
>> Ann Compton: Trump, who is this?
>> Alan Simpson: He's not my guy.
>> Ann Compton: Mr. Secretary?
>> Norman Mineta: Well, I was
on the Intelligence Committee
when we wrote the FISA, the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act.
In there, there was a
requirement that the NSA had
to get a search warrant to
tap the lines of a US citizen,
go to a three-judge tribunal
to get a search warrant.
Now, that was eliminated
in the Patriot Act.
And so the protection there
about what can the government
have access to wasn't there.
And that bothered me.
And I remember the
administration had asked me
to help get the Patriot Act through.
I said no, I couldn't help them
because they had eliminated
the three-judge panel
when they rewrote the FISA act.
And so I think there has to be the
kind of protection to citizens,
even with the national security
as extreme as it could be.
And otherwise, you
know, the whole --
the thing I couldn't understand
was on September 11th was sort
of reliving the evacuation of '42.
Because here you had
the media people saying,
"Round them up, keep
them off planes."
And so, I mean, even the
president said, "We don't want
to have happen today what
happened to Norm in '42."
And then he met with a large
group of Arab-Americans,
Muslims at the Islamic
Study Center on Mass Avenue
on Monday, September 17th.
And he said to them, "We know
who did that last Tuesday.
They were not loyal Arab-Americans.
They were not faithful
followers of Islam.
They were terrorists.
And we're going to go after them."
And the same thing happened
at the end of September,
there was someone shot and killed
-- a man who owned a gas station.
It was a minimart.
And when they apprehended
the killer,
they said, "Why did you kill him?"
He said, "Because he
looked like the enemy."
The fellow was a Sikh.
And he had --
>> Ann Compton: The turban.
>> Norman Mineta: He had facial
hair, he had leg bindings.
Said simply because he
looked like the enemy."
>> Ann Compton: What part
of government really has
to take the lead on security?
Is it the Executive?
Is Congress uniquely unsuited to
really grapple with these issues?
Should it really be
left to the courts,
the ultimate resort the courts?
Who in government?
>> Norman Mineta: Well,
it requires --
the Executive part of our
government still requires laws
by which it gets the
authority to do something.
So as in the Transportation
Security Act of November 17, 2001,
Congress created TSA
and gave us the --
there were 36 mandates in the
law as to what we had to do.
So you still had to have
the Congress involved in it.
At the time Congress wanted to have
the security done by contractors.
And I maintained that the
contractors didn't do their job.
And I wanted them as
federal employees
so that regardless whether you got
on the plane in Chicago, Dallas,
Fort Worth, or [inaudible] Iowa,
you were going to have the same kind
of level of security being applied.
So we were finally
able to get Congress.
>> Ann Compton: These
things are a federal job.
Immigration is a federal
responsibility.
>> Norman Mineta: That's our next --
>> Alan Simpson: Not a
state-by-state responsibility.
But if you have a Congress
that won't function on an issue
and they're not functioning on the
issue, then the president's going
to come in with executive order,
which is exactly what has
happened with immigration.
And when we did an immigration
bill back in '86, bipartisan,
big votes both sides, it didn't work
because the right and the left --
Grover Norquist rode in on his white
horse, I remember, and his robes.
He was kind of like
Paul Revere in reverse.
[ Laughter ]
And then also the ACLU
rose in abject anguish
and called what we had in there --
we got to have a more secure
identifier to protect the employer.
And they took it out because the
national rage created by the left
and the right was that that
was a national ID card.
Boy, that's a way to kill stuff
around this joint:
Invent a flash word.
National ID card.
Now they're talking about
retina scans and fingerprints.
And nobody's written any kind of an
editorial about the slippery slope.
I mean, you know, it is madness.
But if Congress won't function,
any president is going to function.
And then if that doesn't
work, the court will function.
And that's the way that works.
>> Ann Compton: We are going to open
to your questions in just a moment.
Let me get you both before
we take these questions
to focus on immigration.
Because that is the next
logical area in the kind
of national security debate that
we've had in the United States
and the court's decisions.
Why, Senator Simpson, were you able
to get immigration legislation --
landmark legislation -- in 1986?
And is it ever going to be possible
in the early part of
the 21st century?
>> Alan Simpson: Well,
when we started Ron Mazzoli
was a Democrat from Kentucky.
Norm knew him well.
And he was the chairman of judiciary
and the Subcommittee on Immigration.
And I said, "Why are we having
a hearing in the House?"
on the issue of whatever it was,
security or whatever, or amnesty --
which we changed the
word to legalization,
which threw all of them off.
And you have to learn how
to throw them off, you know,
before they gnaw a hole through you.
So I said, "Let's have
a joint hearing --
House and Senate together.
I'll come over to your shop."
We had to go to the
Speaker to get that done
because he controls the shop.
And Tip O'Neill looked
as us both and said,
"What the hell's wrong with that?"
And we did.
I think we had twenty
joint hearings.
Covered a lot of ground.
Kennedy was my ranking member.
Sonny Montgomery was over
there in the Democrats,
Ham Fish -- good, thoughtful people.
The vote was bipartisan.
And then I remember very
swiftly I was still in the Senate
and they said, "Now,
the Republicans,
we need to do a Republican
immigration bill
and you're the wizard."
I said, "There is no such thing
as a Republican immigration bill,
and if you think there
is, you'll never get one.
It has to be a bipartisan bill."
And that's what they can't get
done now until they realize
that this is a national
issue that should be handled
by a national Congress of
bipartisan, good faith people.
They're not going to get anywhere.
Period.
>> Ann Compton: We're going
to start with some questions.
We still have a lot of
area that we need to hit.
So please, where would
you like to start us?
>> John Van Oudenaren: We'll
start with a question submitted
from the students in Hawaii
who are watching online.
One of the students has a question
about American values and states
that American values are
what makes us unique.
>> I had a mortar platoon
in the army
and I'm not getting -- it's blurry.
>> John Van Oudenaren:
I'll repeat the question.
>> Yeah, please.
>> John Van Oudenaren: The question
about American values which are seen
around the world as one of the
great things about this country.
The question is: How do
you each think we are doing
in role modeling our values
in the face of threats?
And what more do we need
to do to enhance security
without undermining what many
internationally find most attractive
in the US?
>> Ann Compton: Could you hear
part of that, Secretary Mineta?
What do we need for
national security
that doesn't violate our sense
of privacy rights, of the honor?
What was the other phrase
that the student used?
>> John Van Oudenaren: Integrity.
Integrity.
>> Ann Compton: The
integrity of Americans.
Now, that's a -- it's
a great question,
but it's also a very tall order.
>> Norman Mineta: Next question.
[ Laughter ]
Well, I think first we
start with common sense.
But I think we also
[inaudible] baked
into there is the increased need
for the use of technology in terms
of being able to do things today
from a security perspective.
And I think there are
ways of doing that.
And I think -- but as
Alan just pointed out,
the Apple case is a good
example of where you do get
into issues involving technology.
But I think what we
have done in TSA --
and one thing that TSA
does is they're looking
at that security issue every day.
I mean, in December of 2001, we
had to deal with the shoe bomber.
And then we had to deal with --
usually explosives are solids.
But by 2003 we were
dealing with liquids.
So now we were dealing
with containers
of less than 3.0 fluid ounces.
So but it's something that's
just changing every day.
And I think that's what is required.
>> Ann Compton: Senator?
>> Alan Simpson: There's got to
be something that you do that has
to do with identification.
Without getting into
the horror story,
something that would be
presented at the time of --
it wouldn't be carried
on your person,
it wouldn't be whatever,
all the horror stories.
But it would be something that you
presented at the time of employment.
And it would be presented
by bald white guys
like me, as well as others.
The issue always comes up
we're just going to ask
that of people who look foreign.
Well, that's absurd.
Nobody's for that.
But you have to do something
that has a universal --
at one time we talked about
having the maiden name
of a person's mother
on the back of a card.
Well, that will cost trillions.
Well, you know, we've
all heard that one.
And then to put something
like a slide card like you do
in Macy's somewhere or something
that has to be done by everybody.
And at that point it
will be intrusive;
it will be reported as intrusive.
But at some point in time there will
be one of these boobs of any color,
or shape, or form that's going
to ignite a shoe box
somewhere in this country.
And then we'll all stand around and
blink like a frog in a hailstorm.
[ Laughter ]
>> Ann Compton: Next question.
>> John Van Oudenaren: There are a
couple of questions about refugees
and what the United
States should do in light
of the current refugee situation
in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan,
and how we might protect
our national security
and accept refugees
from these countries?
>> Ann Compton: Good questions
on accepting refugees.
Pope Francis came back to
the Vatican from a visit
in Greece bringing
12 Syrian refugees.
I don't know who vetted them,
but they got on the plane
and they came back [inaudible]
three families, I believe.
There are some Americans communities
that don't want Syrian
refugees anywhere near them.
There are some churches and
groups and community groups
who have welcomed them and
said, "Let us help you."
Do you, either of you
worry about the flood
of Syrian refugees coming
into the United States?
And since the screening would be
so hard to do, is that a weak point
in the United States' security?
>> Alan Simpson: Well, any
weak point is a weak point
if you don't understand
the difference
between an economic migrant, and
guy that just wants to get the hell
out of his country, and a refugee.
A refugee is something that is
cherished and then they can go
to sanctuary, which
is a cherished thing.
You can't be an economic migrant
that just doesn't like his country
or decides to hop on a
plane and close his shop
because his neighbor got shot.
That is not a refugee.
I know, don't throw
anything, please.
I've been here.
So you have to do this case by case.
And it's tedious but it works.
But the economic migrant is flooding
the world because when you're
out of food and water and
you have a lovely family,
you're going to start walking.
>> Ann Compton: And you've lost
your home in Syria because of --
>> Alan Simpson: That's right.
But a refugee -- a real refugee --
the minute their foot hits
the next spot out, that's it.
You don't get to pick
where you want to go.
I know that sound nasty,
I know it does.
But once you're a refugee
or seeking asylum --
that's the same in a sense, you're
there or you're not there --
once you hit that next
piece of land where isn't
that oppression, that's it.
You cannot then say, "I want
to go to the United States.
I want to go to Germany.
I want to go to France.
I want to go to Israel."
It's not the way it works.
And boy, you start playing that and
the violin music will overcome you.
>> Ann Compton: Do you
want to add in on that?
>> Norman Mineta: The
status of refugee,
the investigation that's required
of that is very, very intensive.
And so it is very difficult, really,
to be I think vetted as a refugee.
And I think to the extent that
they are vetted as refugees,
I would say they're safe
and clear to come in.
>> Ann Compton: Do you think
that the current system
for vetting refugees and
those who are trying to come
into the United States is adequate?
>> Norman Mineta: Absolutely.
Because I think it requires the
personal signature of the Secretary
of Homeland Security and --
>> Alan Simpson: Secretary of State.
>> Norman Mineta: Secretary
of State.
>> Alan Simpson: George
Shultz, who was very helpful
to Kennedy and I on that.
>> Ann Compton: Yep.
Another question?
>> John Van Oudenaren: There
are a number of questions
about privacy and surveillance.
And one of the students from the
University of Hawaii actually asked
if the surveillance
measures employed now
by the NSA create a sort
of virtual internment camp.
>> Ann Compton: That's interesting.
Do you think that the kind of
response to Edward Snowden's leaks
and the kind of surveillance
-- the broader surveillance,
whether it went through
the FISA court or not --
almost levees the threat or
the feeling of an interment
and a restriction that impinges too
much on Americans' privacy rights?
>> Norman Mineta: Well, when I
was Secretary of Transportation,
I did ban -- not ban --
we were not processing any
of the applications as
it related to drones.
Because I thought the
invasion of civil --
or just privacy was tremendous.
In fact, just a month ago, my
wife and I and another couple were
at a restaurant in San
Francisco along the Bay.
And here comes a drone and it just
went back and forth in front of us.
And, you know, I was
thinking "Whose drone is that?
What are they looking for?"
And I thought back to 2003
when I was saying we're
not going to allow drones.
And so --
>> Ann Compton: And
now they almost --
that genie seems out of
the bottle, isn't it?
>> Norman Mineta: Oh, it is.
It really is.
>> Ann Compton: Senator?
>> Alan Simpson: Well,
these technical things now are
quite dazzling for us old coots --
Twitter, tweety, Instagram.
You know, it's amazing.
And then they're talking about some
new thing that I can't remember.
They're all new.
But the point is the invasion -- if
anyone believes that there's privacy
in America, they're
in a dream world.
There was a program -- I
don't remember what it was --
and they had a couple from
Dubuque or Boone, Iowa or Cheyenne
and they said, "How much do
you think we know about you?"
And they said, "We've never
done anything important,
so you don't know too much."
And they ran up on the screen
and man, they knew lots
about those two people
through their media habits,
through their buying habits --
they're buying stuff
on the Internet,
you're answering those
little questions,
or you're get that
stuff in the mail.
And they know everything you
would never imagine they know
about all of us.
So this plea for privacy and then
to have it upheld by the media,
crying for a right of privacy, well,
they're the greatest
invaders of anybody's privacy.
>> Ann Compton: Real
quickly for each of you,
should Apple have immediately
done what it could
to help the federal government
on cracking that phone?
>> Alan Simpson: You
take that Norm, quick.
>> Norman Mineta: I think so,
but I'm on the minority on that.
>> Ann Compton: You think
that Apple should have?
>> Norman Mineta: Oh, they
should have been much more open
about dealing with that issue.
But I'm a real minority on that.
>> Ann Compton: Okay, okay.
>> Alan Simpson: But I
think that's the view
of older people: What
do you got to hide?
And this -- who wouldn't want
to know what's on the cell phone
of a couple of cooks that destroyed
14 human beings and were in contact
with people maybe around the world?
Who wouldn't want to know that?
It was like the old Stanford
Daily case; do you remember that?
They had a riot at Stanford and
the Stanford Daily paper --
the student paper -- knew
who had been involved.
And the cops wanted
that information.
It went clear to the US Supreme
Court and Justice Wyatt said,
"You can't have that
kind of protection.
They want to know who did this.
You can't pull this game of,
you know, the right of privacy
and protection of source
and all this stuff."
And when you have murderous
people in the world,
these other things sound good
and they are part of America,
but don't think America is
diminished when we're trying to wipe
out people who hate our guts.
I don't know, sick idea.
>> Ann Compton: I want
to make sure we have time
for a few more questions from the
audience and from the students.
>> John Van Oudenaren:
Another question from Hawaii,
actually a couple questions
from Hawaii ask
about providing military
equipment to local police forces.
>> Ann Compton: Providing
what to local?
>> Military equipment.
>> Ann Compton: Equipment.
>> John Van Oudenaren: To police
forces, especially in light
of what occurred in Ferguson and on
Staten Island with Michael Brown,
is how do we balance security
in those instances
with civil liberties?
>> Ann Compton: Well, obviously in
the cases after Ferguson, Missouri
and in some other communities
-- Baltimore had some riots --
some people have objected
to what looked
like a huge military operation.
And isn't that really up
to the local community,
the local law enforcement?
Someday they might need that armored
troop carrier and the water canons.
Sometimes they may overuse it.
But should local police
departments have access to quite
so much military fire power?
>> Alan Simpson: I
think that's a point.
Both of us were in the military.
And, you know, we weren't
trained to hand out daisies;
we were trained to kill people.
And so I do think that when you
have an armored personnel carrier
in the midst of a city and you
unload a squad from the back of it,
if those are things
that I knew how to run,
I think that's highly intimidating.
But that came from that
funding source where they said,
"We got this leftover stuff and all
you have to do is apply for it."
And I think it has to be
rather frightening when you're
in the street and alone
or with or without arms.
I don't know, I think there's
real truth to the military.
>> Ann Compton: And some of those
incidents were racial incidents
at a local level as
opposed to San Bernardino
where it was clearly an attack
by people who had a political
or radical ideology that they were
trying to strike at a soft target.
>> Norman Mineta: Yeah.
Having been mayor, I'm
not sure that I would want
to have a police force
with that equipment.
The whole issue of
policing is really --
the whole issue is how do
you relate to the community?
When I was mayor, police were
starting to put helmets on.
And I finally said to
our chief of police,
"I'm not sure I want our police
with these hard helmets on.
They don't smile.
They can't be friendly-looking
just having these hardhats on."
And so we were one of
the first ones after --
and I negotiated this
with our police union --
and so we took the caps or the
hardhats off of our police.
We were also one of
the first departments
to require psychological
testing of applicants.
And this was in 1973.
And the -- at the time the
police, the union really came
down on me saying, you know,
"You think we're all psychotics?"
And I said.
"No, not at all.
Today every department
across the country is doing
psychological testing."
But it's really for
their own protection.
For the same thing with the
military type of equipment,
I don't think it's really necessary.
Even in Katrina when General Honore
came in with the military forces
and they were there with their
weapons out, and he was running up
and down the street telling
people to get their weapons up.
Not to, you know, point
them at the mass of people.
And General Honore really, I think,
did a great service
in lifting those.
>> Alan Simpson: But there's this
wonderful man that uses common sense
and doesn't get caught up in the
grinder of emotion, fear, guilt,
and racism or try to have a press
conference every few minutes
to blow your own horn.
This is happening and people
are so confounded by it.
Where is common sense?
What happened?
The most uncommon thing
is common sense.
And when Norm was mayor
I happened to know
that he would gather people together
and talk and say, "Where are we?
What are we doing?"
That's what he did in Congress.
That's how he got --
>> Ann Compton: Does
that work in 2016?
>> Alan Simpson: Not when you've
got everybody stereotyped.
I can tell you that here we
did this piece of work --
don't throw anything --
it was called the National
Commission on Deficit and Debt.
We got five Democrats, five
Republicans, one Independent.
That's 60%.
And then say, "Well, who was on it?"
Well, Dick Durbin.
Dick Durbin?
That Commie from Illinois?
Is that what you -- I
said, "Well, Tom Corburn."
Tom Corburn?
That guy from -- that
Republican from Oklahoma?
That's your country today.
People don't dislike
somebody, they hate them
and they got them pegged
as a Democrat.
They hate Obama, they hate
[inaudible], they hate Trump,
they hate Cruz, they hate Hillary.
It's not dislike.
It's disgusting.
And hatred corrodes the
container it's carried in.
>> Ann Compton: So tell the
students especially who are watching
from Hawaii, how do Americans
bring the country back
from that kind of atmosphere?
>> Alan Simpson: Well, they
could get off their butt
and get in the game.
Because if you really want
to do something, pick a party
and become a precinct committee man
-- that's the lowest form of amoeba.
Or you could be a precinct
committee man or woman.
You could run for the school board.
I brought Norm to Harvard.
I couldn't have got into Harvard
if I had picked the locks.
But I told him, "Get up here
because they're protesting
the [inaudible] thing
down in [inaudible]."
He came and he said,
"Anybody can carry a placard.
Anybody can stand in the
street with a poster.
Use your brain.
Get in the game."
And that's what it's all about.
If you're a young person today,
you pick your party and start
at the lowest level and bring
your influence and your brains
to that party -- to the lowest
level, then the county, whatever.
Instead of just, you know,
carrying a placard or bitching.
>> Ann Compton: Good advice.
We have -- I think we have
two more quick questions.
[ Applause ]
>> John Van Oudenaren: I want to
throw one in real quickly back
on security: Should
Guantanamo be shut down?
Is it more -- President Obama argues
that it is inciting some terrorist
attacks against the United States.
And why shouldn't some of those
detainees who are too dangerous
to let them go back to wherever
they came from go into a kind
of a super max American prison?
>> Alan Simpson: Go ahead, Norm,
before I give them [inaudible].
>> Norman Mineta: Yeah.
I, in fact, was at Guantanamo
on Thanksgiving Day of 2002
when they were just
starting to come in.
And I think there were five Al-Qaeda
prisoners there at the time.
I think there was a great
deal of justification
for establishing Guantanamo
at the time.
And since then I think we have
other ways of dealing with it.
And I don't think we need
Guantanamo as it is, as we know it.
>> Ann Compton: Do you
agree with that, Senator?
>> Alan Simpson: How
many are there now?
Eighty? Sixty?
>> Ann Compton: It's under ninety.
>> Alan Simpson: But don't forget,
every one of them had a lawyer.
They've all tried hard
and they failed.
And at some point in time --
>> Ann Compton: And no other
country wants them, either.
>> Alan Simpson: What?
>> Ann Compton: No other
country wants them, either.
>> Alan Simpson: No.
And any Congressman
that will say, "Well,
bring them to my state,"
is not long in office.
And they've already shown up.
Don't bring them to New York.
And the president is
obsessed by this.
He made a promise and he wants
desperately to carry it out.
But it's never going to
happen under his jurisdiction.
We sent five guys off the other day.
Five went before and now they're
head of the Yemen operation
down there blowing things up.
So at some point in
time we say in the West,
"If your horse drops dead,
it's best to get off."
>> Ann Compton: That's
Wyoming wisdom.
Last question.
I think we stumped our
questioner [inaudible].
No, please, go right ahead.
>> For our final question
from Hawaii again:
Have your political
views ever gotten
in the way of your friendship?
>> Ann Compton: Have your
political views ever gotten
in the way of your friendship?
>> Alan Simpson: Of our friendship?
I love this guy.
And we -- when he called me to
work on the reparations bill,
it was very controversial.
>> Ann Compton: What year was this?
>> Alan Simpson: This
was [inaudible]
but my colleague was Malcolm Wallop.
There are people who
remember Malcolm;
he was violently opposed to it.
He said, "Who's next?
We going to do something
with the blacks?
How about the Native Americans?
Who is next of the aggrieved?"
And he was [inaudible] finally
said, "Look, I was there and I was
in that camp and I know Norm
and what they're doing."
Some people refused the money.
They said, "It isn't about
money; I'm still embarrassed
that they threw me in
this incarceration."
So friendship is a beautiful thing.
And we never -- I don't think
either of us ever since we were 12
and now we're 84 have ever looked
at each other and say, "By God,
I don't agree with you at all
on that issue of politics."
And he served two presidents
-- a Democrat and a Republican.
I loved it when Bush appointed
him and Norm said, "Look,
if you're looking for a token
Japanese guy to go out and campaign
for the Republican Party,
you've got the wrong guy."
And Bush said, "I want you."
And his loyalty to Bush and Bush's
toward him, you don't find that.
You don't find people
who invite other people.
Reagan made the White
House a social center.
And Clinton was the same way.
They loved people.
But when you don't love people,
never invite the other
guy over to your shop.
You're paying a dear price.
>> Ann Compton: Secretary
Mineta, you get the last word
on whether politics ever
affect that friendship.
And on a broader scale, too, you've
lived and worked in Washington
through Republican and Democratic
administrations, Republican
and Democratic control of
the House and the Senate.
>> Norman Mineta: Not really.
I suppose the closest
I got to thinking
that he had gotten off the
horse -- the wrong horse --
was during the Justice
Thomas hearings.
>> Ann Compton: Clarence
Thomas hearings.
>> Alan Simpson: He did
have a comment on that.
Wasn't nasty, but I
voiced my opinion.
And he told me to --
[ Laughter ]
>> Ann Compton: Gentlemen,
what a treat for all of us.
Thank you, Senator Alan
Simpson, Secretary Norman Mineta,
and for the kind of perspective you
have shared not only with friends
and neighbors in Washington but the
kind of perspective you have shown
to students who in Daniel Inouye's
institute are the positive forces
that we all hope will be taking
over when we get past 84,
all the way to 86 or 90.
Thank you all very much for coming.
[ Applause ]
>> John Van Oudenaren:
And thank you, Anne,
for a wonderful job in moderating.
The Kluge Center and the Inouye
Institute will be putting forth
three more programs in this
series in the coming years.
So please watch for
the announcements.
We invite you to stay in touch
with us via social media or email
to learn more about the activities
of the Kluge Center and the Library
of Congress in general and
of the Inouye Institute.
A video of this event will
be posted on our website
and the institute website
in the weeks ahead.
Thank you, again, for your
attendance this evening.
And once again, let's give a round
of applause for our [inaudible].
[ Applause ]
>> This has been a presentation
of the Library of Congress.
Visit us at loc.gov.