>> From the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. >> My name is Lulu Garcia-Navarro. I'm a host at National Public Radio. It is my pleasure to be here today. And I have a few words from the National Book Festival that I have been asked to read. All day here at the Library of Congress National Book Festival we are recognizing and celebrating the importance of reading, authors, and books. The Library of Congress makes it seem easy to do this every year, but in truth the National Book Festival is a huge undertaking. And I feel very comfortable doing this because I am from NPR. We're now going to ask you for some money. [ Laughter ] This room has been made possible by the generous support of our sponsors, the James Madison Council. So please consider making a contribution right now on your cell phone. You can send a text to make a one-time gift that will be added to your mobile phone bill. We should think about that at NPR. In fact, note to self. The details are on the screen and on the back of your program. Please contribute. Obviously, books and these kinds of events are expensive undertakings, so thank you for considering making a donation right now. And on with our program, it is my absolute pleasure and honor to introduce you today to an author who has done I think so much for our understanding of medicine and science and all that goes into it. He wrote the book the Emperor of all Maladies, which was considered one of the most notable books when it came out by the New York Times, and so many others. He is a cancer doctor, practicing. He is also a scientist and researcher at Columbia University, and he's now written the book The Gene: An Intimate History, which is an astonishing work. I can attest, having just finished it. So I would like you to give a very warm welcome right now to Doctor Siddhartha Mukherjee. >> Thank you. [ Applause ] >> I'd like to start by saying -- and I did say this to him before -- that I am neither a scientist nor a doctor. I don't come with any particular knowledge of the medical profession. I am actually a storyteller. And what was astonishing to me about this book is the stories about the people who have made these incredible discoveries and continue to make these incredible discoveries. But I wanted to start with you and why you chose to write this book now. You started with a book about sort of illness, and this is about the very essence of life. >> So the genesis of this book is a little complicated. Really, the three things that came together in this book -- when I finished Emperor of all Maladies, I thought I was done. There's the English who can specialize in snippy comments, the reviewers. There was a review of Emperor of all Maladies -- and that book won the Guardian First Book prize. And one of the reviewers wrote it should have been awarded the Guardian Only Book prize. [ Laughter ] Because that was my book and I was done with it. But then three things happened, and those three things are relevant. Number one is that -- the question of cancer, which is what I was studying the laboratory -- the question of cancer demands the question of normalcy. Of cancer is the altered self, what is the self? How do we become ourselves, how do we develop normalcy anatomically, physiologically, and where do the boundaries of the definition lie? We'll come to how astonishingly contemporary this question has become as of the last few weeks. But nonetheless. So there was that question. So it was inspired by the work that I'd done for my book on cancer. In fact, when Ken Burns did the Emperor of all Maladies, the question that we kept coming back to -- in the editing room while we were conversing and trying to make that film -- was, you know, what is normalcy? How do our bodies know to become what they become? So this question is in my mind a lot. The second strand was something was going on in the world of science and technology. That is that we had begun to read and write human genes, human genetics, in a way that was truly unprecedented. And by read, I mean the deciphering of the human genome, the reading it, attributing meaning to it, and of course technologies such as CRISPR, which began to allow us to make directive interventions into the human genome, change our genomes sort of will. >> This is the gene editing technology. >> This is the gene editing technology. We'll talk about all of that. >> Yes. >> But these techniques, since this book has come has come out, of course, have been very widely now dispersed. But from the vantage point of science sitting in the laboratory you could already sense bubblings of this. CRISPR was in our news long before it was of course in very public news. In The Gene, I made the prediction that we would see the birth of genetically altered human embryos ten years from this book. In fact, it was less than ten months from this book that it actually occurred. So there was that. So in other words, there was a kind of gas chamber, gas pressure, of technology that was pushing like a piston against our understanding of who we were; what are we, what are we like, what happens when we change it? So it was that second arena, second set of concerns. But the third, probably the most important, was my father was dying while I was writing this book. And I was having conversations with him about our own family history of mental illness, of schizophrenia and bipolar disorder in particular. And those conversations went from very abstract conversations. You know, there was the story of my brother and my nephew -- my cousin, his brother, his nephew. But then those became very personal questions. Would I want to scan my own genes to unveil potential risks for mental illness? What would that mean? How would that change the way I imagine, how would it change the way -- let's say, you had some illness, some -- with a small genetic component, may be a large genetic component -- tracking through your family and all of a sudden the capacity to decipher that prospectively became available, would you do it? What would that mean for us broadly speaking? So these three strands, just to remind ourselves again, number one, a kind of leftover question from the Emperor of all Maladies about cancer; number two, the bubblings of completely new science and technological breakthroughs that allowed us to intervene and understand our genes in a way that we hadn't before; number three, a very personal history of mental illness sort of came together in this book. That's how this book was born. >> I want to get to the last two specifically of what you just mentioned. But first, one of the things that's really wonderful about this book is that you delve into the history. And I think that it is so important to understand where we are now to look back at what has happened before. And in particular, as we were just talking before we got to the stage, we were talking about the history of eugenics in America. And there're so many cautionary tales here. Let's talk a little bit about what eugenics was and that history. >> So the history comes in in three or four phases. And it's important to recognize these phases because each one is a step toward something. The idea of eugenics, of course, is an ancient idea. Plato writes about it. The idea that you can somehow make better human beings by intervening on heredity, through marriage or through whatever other means, is an ancient idea. It's a kind of -- it's an idea that comes up over and over again. But the word really is coined by Francis Galton. He was, as many of you know, a cousin of Darwin's, a philosopher, a scientist, a mathematician, a statistician. And when Galton thought about the idea, it was quite widely embraced by the intellectual elite of Britain. This was thought to be a progressive idea. This was thought to be -- you know, somehow if you did better breeding you would get improvements in human race. And it was projected as a way to make us better faster, grasping the horns of selection and thereby improving the human race. It was considered -- and many, many progressives in Britain signed onto it, and there were big conferences held in fancy locations like this one in, you know, where the idea was strutted out very proudly as a mechanism -- >> By famous authors. >> By famous -- exactly. >> You know, people [inaudible]. >> And there's a whole list of people, doctors, authors -- >> H. G. Wells and all sorts of other people. >> Yeah, H. G. Wells. He was just one of -- >> Many. >> -- many. There we're dissenting voices, too. We'll come back to that in a second. Chesterton very famously had a dissenting voice. But nonetheless. That's the first phase, positive selection, positive breeding is eugenics. Then it moves to the United States. It's interesting that the United States phase of eugenics is often neglected. >> This is a surprise to me. >> Yeah. The adolescence of eugenics occurs right here. It moves to society who are very obsessed with a kind of technological and, you know, a kind of reengineering of social structures. And so it's in the United States before Nazi Germany, it's in the United States that provides a kind of fertile soil for the second phase of eugenics. And here, the emphasis moves from just breeding to sterilization. And it is here that the idea of sterilizing those that are people that are considered eugenically unfit is really born and brought into the legal system. >> So it changes from trying to make a better human to getting rid of humans that are not good -- >> That's right. >> -- in that perception. >> Getting rid of humans through sterilization. >> Right. >> So the human beings that are being eliminated in this second, obviously more compromised, phase of eugenics is through sterilization. And the Nazis pick up this idea as genetics itself moves on, and they then convert this into extermination. So it moves from positive reading to sterilization, to extermination. Exterminate the people who are unfit. But it's impossible to -- it is very convenient of the United States to ignore this second phase, but it's impossible to ignore it. Not far from here, there were institutions, state institutions, sponsored by the state, paid for by the state, where the sterilized were being sterilized, where the unfit were being sterilized. The book is dedicated to Carrie Buck as a reminder of that moment. >> Remind us briefly who Carrie Buck was. >> Carrie Buck was one of the first victims of this sterilization effort. She was a woman who was deemed to be mentally unfit. She was deemed to be imbecile. Based on what we know about the historical record, it's very unlikely that she was any of this. Nonetheless, she was brought to the Virginia State Colony. And at first she was confined as a mechanism of preventing her from having any children, and later the superintendent of the colony applied to the courts, first to the colony board and then subsequently the case climbed to the courts to ask that she be involuntarily sterilized, her ovaries removed, so that she would not have any more imbecile children. This case climbed all the way to the higher courts and ultimately resulted in the chilling observation made by Oliver Wendell Holmes that three generations of imbeciles was enough. And with that judgment, Carrie Buck was involuntarily sterilized in Virginia, becoming one of the first women to be sterilized under the umbrella of eugenics. >> What is important about the story in the context of the book, taking us to today? What is it that we need to learn from that? >> Well, the strange back story about this -- and we were just talking about it in the back -- I had expected this book to be scientifically and personally contemporary. I thought that I would write about questions like, what if you we're presented with the prospect of sequencing your genome and determining the genetic propensities of your child, would you do it? What if there was mental illness? What I had not expected was how politically clamorous -- how this book would intersect with the political climate of our times. It was just totally unexpected. You know, the question of supremacy, what does supremacy mean? A question of race. How much do we know about race based on what we know from genes and science? The confusion and clamor created around questions of what is inherent and what's not, what is intrinsic and what's not intrinsic, the IQ words. You know, as I said, the book was called an intimate history. I didn't call it the Genome Political History, which may have -- [Laughter] >> Possibly you should have. >> Exactly, right. But I just had not expected the way that this would intersect -- the book would intersect with very clamorous and I would say rather important debates about what's going on today. >> You wanted to -- I'd like you at this point to read a section of your book that I think speaks to this. >> Actually, a funny story is I suppose now I could sadly pick up any section of the book and -- >> And make it relevant. >> -- and make it relevant. >> Sign of a good book. >> I thought I'd read the section on race. So somewhere here. Let's start somewhere here. And this is about human migration. "From here, they went west and north, as young men often do, and then traveled through the gash of the rift valley or ducked into the canopies of the rain forest around the Congo basin where the Bantu and the Mbuti now live. The story is not geographically contained or as neat as it sounds. Some populations of early modern humans are known to have wondered back into the Sahara, a lush landscape then crisscrossed with [inaudible] lakes and rivers, and then heading back into local pools of humanoids, coexisted and even interbred with them perhaps generating evolutionary back crosses. As Christopher Stringer, the Paleoanthropologist, described it in terms of modern humans, this meant that some modern humans have more archaic genes than others. That does seem to be so, leaving us to ask, again, what is modern human? But the long march went on. Some 75,000 years ago, a group of humans arrived at the northeast edge of Ethiopia or Egypt where the Red Sea narrows into a slit-like strait between the shrugged shoulder of Africa and the downward elbow of the Yemeni Peninsula. There was no one to part the ocean. We don't know what drove the men and women to fling themselves across the water or how they managed to cross it. The sea was perhaps shallower then, and some geologists have wondered whether the chains of sandbar islands span the straight along which our ancestors hopscotched their way to Asia and Europe." This goes on for a while. But then it comes to a question which gets to the meat of things. "What does this tell us about race and jeans? A great deal. First, it reminds us that the racial categorization of humans is an inherently limited proposition. While it's there, the political scientists like to quip that academic disputes are often the most vicious because the stakes are so overwhelmingly low. [ Laughter ] By similar logic, perhaps our increasingly shrewd debates on race should begin with the recognition that the actual range of human genomic variation is strikingly low, lower than in many other species, lower, for instance, than in chimpanzees. Given our rather brief tenure on earth as a species, we're much more alike than unlike each other. It is an inevitable consequence of the bloom of our youth that we haven't even had time to taste the poisoned apple. Yet even a young species possesses history. One of the most penetrating powers of genetics is its ability to organize even closely related genomes into classes and subclasses. If we go hunting for discriminatory fake features and clusters, then we will indeed find features and clusters to discriminate. Examined carefully, the variations in the human genome will cluster, importantly, along geographic regions and continents and along traditional boundaries. Every genome bears the mark of its ancestries. By studying the genetic characteristics of an individual, you can pinpoint his or her origin to a certain continent, nationality, state, or even tribe with relatively remarkable accuracy. It is to be sure an [inaudible] of small differences. But if this is what we mean by race, then the concept has not survived the genomic era, it has been amplified by it. But the central problem with racial discrimination is not the inference of a person's race from the genetic characteristics -- this is the most important point that's raised in this chapter -- it is quite the opposite; it is the inference of a person's characteristics from their race. This is a central confusion that runs through some of these sort of clamorous debates. The question is not, can you, given an individual's skin color, hair texture, or language, infer something about their ancestry or origin? That is a question of biological systematics of lineage, of taxonomy, of racial geography, of biological discrimination. Of course you can. In the genome has vastly refined that inference. You can scan any individual genome and infer rather deep insights about a person's ancestry or place of origin. But the vastly more controversial question is precisely the converse. Given a racial identity, African or Asian, say," -- those are in quotes -- "can you infer anything about an individual's characteristic? Not just the skin or hair color but complex features such as intelligence, habits, personality and aptitude? In other words, genes can tell us about racial origin, but can race tell us anything about genes? To answer that question, we need to measure how genetic variation are distributed across racial categories. Is there more diversity within races or between races? Is knowing that someone is of African versus European descent, say, allow us to allow us to define or understanding of their genetic traits or their personal, physical, or intellectual attributes in a meaningful manner? We know precise and quantitative answers to these questions. A number of studies have tried to quantify the level of genetic diversity of the human genome. The most recent estimates suggest that the vast proportion of genetic diversity, up to 85 to 90%, occurs within so-called races -- that is, within Asians or Africans -- and only about a minor proportion, about 7%, between racial groups." >> So these are the questions still of our day, which is what so striking. So when you read that, what is the conclusion that you draw? >> Well, the conclusion that we draw is that genomics should have stuffed the genie of racial discrimination back into its model. The fact that it hasn't is really a commentary about our society's new desire to discriminate and a new desire to categorize along racial boundaries. These are Victorian ideas that we inherited sub classifying human beings into these categories. Genomics has belied this Victorian idea that the difference between a man from Namibia and a man from Ethiopia is greater genetically than the difference between a man from Ethiopia and a man from Yemen. We know this because of the nature of migration. And yet, Victorian classifications would put the first two in the same category and the man from Yemen in a different category. That's just false. It makes no sense. The fact that we hang onto these ideas, the fact that we keep with these categories, is a reminder not of genetics but of a certain biological, or a certain desire whether biological or not, cultural or biological or not, a desire to categorize people along boundaries, which we sadly inherit from time before science. >> What is striking to me while reading this book and -- is that these recur but science is often used by scientists to make these distinctions. There are people who use the science to further these erroneous ideas. >> Absolutely. I mean, one of the purposes of this book and the Emperor of all Maladies is to remind us that this, you know, silence is not a hallowed activity. Human beings within the science as within medicine are just as guilty of the same desires to categorize, to discriminate. But it's also a reminder that there are truths. Science is not fake news. [ Laughter and Applause ] >> It bears reminding. >> And the confusion caused in the clamor of our times is a smokescreen thrown up onto that idea. But if you look deeply, if you're able to lift the smoke screen, the truth is self-evident. I believe in truths. >> I'm going to actually follow you down this road, because I'm interested in it. What is the role of a book like this and your coming out and speaking in a moment when science is questioned all the time? [ Laughter ] I'm going to put you on the spot there because I'm a journalist. >> Well, look, as I said to you before, when I started writing this book, it was very self-consciously calling into history. I wanted this book to be about my family, an explanation, I wanted to try to understand what it feels like to be in this moment in time, what it feels like when you can -- you know, if you think about your genome as a massive encyclopedia -- actually that encyclopedia with one genome written in ACTG would cover every wall of this room. One human being's genome, 3 billion letters. We are now learning to read or ascribe meaning to that encyclopedia. But it what was more astonishing to me is that we had invented technologies that would allow you to go to, you know, volume 16, page 347, erase the word CG and make the word AG instead. That's the kind of -- I'm leaving the rest of the encyclopedia untouched. I wanted to talk about all of this and talk about the ethical implications of all of this. But as I said to you, I had not expected the political intersections that occurred. I just hope people read the book. You know, what else can I say? [ Laughter ] We're going to take some questions shortly, but I just want to ask you about CRISPR because being the deep investigative journalist that I am, I did a Google search -- [ Laughter ] -- before I came here. And I did it actually looking for headlines, not because I wanted to all the sudden give you a dissertation on CRISPR. But briefly, it's gene editing technology, it's been in the news. And I did a Google search. These are the two headlines that I came across. Could Gene Editing Tools Such as CRISPR be Used as a Biological Weapon? Question mark, all in caps. And then the other one was, Two-Thirds of Americans Approve of Editing Human DNA to Treat Disease. >> Mm-hmm. >> These seem to be at odds with each other, these two headlines. And to me it spoke to the very real concerns of the moment and the hopes that people have about what this technology can do for us. >> So the answer is both of those are true. So could CRISPR technologies be used to create biological weapons? Sure. At any time you manipulate the genomes of organisms, you can manipulate the genomes of organisms and make them loaded with toxins or capable of introducing new disease into human populations, so the answer's absolutely. Just to remind us, CRISPR belongs to a suite of technologies that allow us to intervene on the genomes of organisms, and absolutely when you intervene on the genomes of organisms you have the capacity to change the organism and make it more pathogenic and, sure, you can make a biological weapon out of it. The second question, also important, we don't -- this is why we need to have this conversation now. As I told you before, you if you'll imagine an individual's genome, 3 billion letters of it, as an encyclopedia lining every wall of this auditorium, these technologies now allow us to, as I said, pick out page 346 in volume 17 and alter one letter to two letters in that. Not everything is that accurate, but nonetheless close to that. But it's important. We are struggling to find what the ethical realm and the boundaries would be for this kind of experimentation. I'm just going to finish by saying -- if we're going to questions -- I'm going finish by saying that there are three -- my book recommends three potential boundaries, and they're important. You can think of them as a triangle. One edge of the triangle is that obviously we would like to intervene genetically on diseases that cause extraordinary suffering. That should be a bright line. Number two, the second line of the boundary is that the link between what we're trying to change and the disease should be relatively tight. In other words, there are many illnesses, many human illnesses, that are not linked to just one gene but have multiple genetic links. Genes plus environmental links. But we have to establish that when we intervene on the genes that we're very confident that the link between the gene and the disease is tight. And the third one, going back to the political history of eugenics and the human history of eugenics, is to remind ourselves that this should only occur with consent and it should be justifiable. It we should be able to justify it in terms of the individual whose genomes are being intervened upon, and they should have freedom and consent. So these are the three triangles. You can imagine every angle of these three triangles is its own ethical debate. What is extraordinary suffering? You know, who defines it? Are you to define it, am I to define it? How tight do you want this link to be? What does freedom mean? You know, if we create a coercive society, do we tacitly violate the capacity of individuals to give consent? So course these three are complicated realms of this triangle, but at least it defines some boundaries. That's what I recommend. >> Who would like to ask some questions? And while people are -- come up to the microphone -- and while people are coming up, I thought of this in your first answer and I did want to ask you before we go on to questions, which is, did you scan your genes? >> I did not. You know, I run a laboratory. We do genetic sequencing day in and day out. It would take me no more than drawing a pinprick of my own blood or spitting into a little tube to do it. I decided not to. >> All right. Yes, sir? >> OK, hi. Thank you for coming. It's very interesting. I love your book. >> Thank you. >> I was involved in the sociobiological debates back in the '70s. >> Uh-huh. >> And I think one of the problems I have is that on the one hand we want to think of science as being objective and looking at the truth, but we also have to recognize that science is an inherently political activity in terms of what questions get asked, what science gets funded, how it's interpreted, how the results are used. So I think we have a dilemma really between, you know, what we want to think science is and -- but we have to at least recognize the fact that science is inherently political. >> And to be honest -- >> Thank you. >> -- both of my books address the question of science as a human and political activity. I have no doubt whatsoever that this will continue way into the future. The way we interpret data is ultimately altered, we see it through the lenses of culture. That said, I don't believe that it's a free-for-all. As I said, I do believe in truth. I don't think that, I think the interpretations of data are constantly changing. But we're becoming richer and more knowledgeable about what all this means, what genetics means, what genes tell us about ourselves, our history, etc., etc. I think that absolutely we will continue to struggle with the truth value of science and our capacity to interpret it and to understand it. And this is an old struggle. You know, we will continue to engage with this through human history. I don't think that's going to change in the near future. >> Yeah. Thank you. >> Thank you. Over here. >> Thank you. First off, I love what you're doing. I love your research. You said when you wrote your book you predicted in the next ten years that we would see that the human genome being edited, but it was actually ten months, what are the next developments you see in your field? >> Well, the next major milestone -- the next small milestone will be the arrival of multiple, not just one, CRISPR and CRISPR-edited organisms. And they will climb higher and higher into the complexities of organisms. So I suspect in the next few odd months we will see a CRISPR-edited monkeys. >> Months? >> Months, I would say, yeah. That would not surprise me. Certainly a CRISPR-edited animals of various sorts genetically modified in whatever way. And meanwhile, the human embryos -- of course currently no such human embryo has ever been re-implanted or brought to term. We have no idea. There is in fact a big debate going on -- >> It's illegal, actually, isn't it -- >> That's correct. >> -- in the United States? >> So I would say it's illegal beyond a certain place it becomes illegal, but not so in many other countries. >> Yeah. >> So I think within the next 20 odd months, these embryonic experiments, human embryo experiments, will continue to progress until we're brought to that precipice, and then we have to make a big decision, whether to allow or not allow the first genetic changes in human beings directed deliberately by human beings, should they be introduced into human embryos are not? I think that precipice is probably coming in 20 months, 20 to 24 months. >> Thank you. >> Yes? >> I just wanted -- >> It is a big deal. >> Yeah. [ Laughter ] I just wanted to express my gratitude. Because a couple of years ago, I had breast cancer. And each day that I had chemotherapy, I would come home and I would watch the Emperor of all Maladies. >> Thank you. >> And I'm not a scientist, I'm a librarian and archivist. So watching the history unfold allowed for context that I just simply didn't have. And so as I was dealing with this personally I was able to see what had gone on before me and what was going on, you know, for future people. >> Well, thanks back to you because your and archivist. It allowed the book to happen. >> Yet. [ Laughter ] [ Applause ] >> Yes? >> This is high enough? So two things. Thank you how well-written the book was. I am an art history major, and not a science major, and I think that you are the first scientist I actually listened to -- [ Laughter ] -- who wasn't a professor. The reason I picked up the book, moving to my first point, is that I struggle with -- my mother has bipolar. >> Uh-huh. >> My brother was categorized as ADHD and severely medicated in the '80s and it has led him to amplified versions of bipolar syndrome, which has gotten him in much trouble. So it's something I struggle with. Being the youngest child is -- when will this come out for me? So I really appreciate your book and how it broke down -- how it really gave an understanding of the history. But what I found shocking to myself, and I guess my question to you is, were you prepared for from Plato and Aristotle to Mendel and peas to Kelly Buck -- or Carrie Buck, I'm sorry -- were you prepared for the female role in how this gene history has been laid out? It's so prevalent in one generation to the next is -- it amazes me that we have, you know, Lady Justice and Lady Liberty, but the female seems to be blamed for a lot of the discrepancies in the gene. >> I will add that I noted that myself. [ Laughter ] Well, you know, as I wrote the book, I personally became more aware. You know, I thought myself relatively well-versed in American history. I'd never heard of Carrie Buck. I had to go back and try to understand what it was like to be labeled an imbecile in 1910, 1920. I had not understood the role that was ascribed to heredity and how much of it was miss-ascribed because of a whole set of political reasons, some of them having to do with our intersection with gender. So it was an awakening for me as well. And I'm intrigued by the fact that you picked it up in the book. >> Yes. No. For me, it was also a bit of history that I didn't know. And secondly, it struck a chord with me as well that frequently women minorities are often the targets of scientific experiments. >> Science, politics. [ Laughter ] In fact, the eugenics project continued in the United States on African-Americans way into the 1950s and '60s, long extending beyond the -- what's known about it. >> Extraordinary. Yes, sir? >> I'm from Mumbai. I'm on holiday here, and I big and I'm a big fan. I hit the jackpot today when I checked on the Internet and saw you were speaking. [ Laughter ] So my question is on longevity. How soon before we have humans living for 200 years or more? [ Laughter ] >> Yeah. That day's always supposed to come, apparently, so I'm curious myself. >> Well, the longevity demands a long answer -- [ Laughter ] -- but I'll try to be brief. >> We've got five minutes, we're being told. >> There are two extreme ways that I think about longevity. I'll go from the least provocative to the most provocative. The least provocative is removing -- it's a double negative -- killing all the killers, removing the diseases, the illnesses, that place natural restrictions on human age; cancer, heart disease, and neurological illnesses would be the highest on that list. So as we eliminate them, of course, human lifespans will increase. So that's vision one. Vision two is more complicated. Vision two is not a negative vision but a positive vision. Are there genes that we can -- or pathways or things that we can intervene on that allow us to increase longevity in a way not by killing the killers but by increasing the human body's capacity to live longer? And in fact there are. There are metabolic properties, there are genes, we're discovering more and more of them in other animals and extending those data into human beings. The third one I'll give you as a thought experiment. I'm writing a little bit about it. The third one I'll give you as a thought experiment. Another possibility is to clone yourself and to then implant through some kind of deep learning techniques your voice, some of your memories, including the memories of your trauma, etc., to this genetic clone of yourself. We are edging -- we won't come there -- but we're edging towards technologies that will allow us to achieve these technologically. I just pose this as a thought experiment. What if I we're to think about creating a clone of a self, genetically identical, and then passing on some of these memories, traumas, histories, to that clone, is that longevity? I don't know. I think of that as a mind-bending experiment for a second. >> That's a happy thought to leave everyone with. [ Laughter ] We have two minutes left. I just want to come back to the ethical implications of all the things that you've just said very briefly. Has the technology surpassed our ability to regulate it, to actually make sure that some of these things that we've only seen in movies come to pass? >> I think that the feeling across the scientific community is that it's getting time to hit the pause button for a little bit. And it's getting time -- as I said, this is not trivial stuff, this is intervention on the human genome deliberately. It's a conversation that people in laboratories with white coats cannot have in and of themselves, within themselves. It's your genome. We have all of this in custody across all human beings, so you have to be able to have this conversation as widely and broadly as possible. And therefore, you need -- you, me, we all need to know the vocabulary, we need to understand the technology, what's fantasy, what's not fantasy, what's possible, what's not possible, where the lines are, what nations draw what lines, what we have allowed, what others have allowed, what we're doing, etc., etc., this has to be an international conversation. So I think in the scientific community there is every day increasing cognizance that we sort of need to hit the pause button for a little bit before moving on. And I think again within the next ten odd months, we will begin to see -- I know many of them already because they're in draft form -- we will begin to see a very public acknowledgments that we need to have stronger boundaries, international boundaries. You can't do something if China's doing something else. We can't do something if India is going to have different rules. How to negotiate those boundaries based on ethical precepts. The conception of, you know, what the life of an embryo is is different between cultures. So we have to respect and understand that. But at the same time because it's the human genome that we're talking about, this has to be a conversation that all of us need to have together. >> Thank you very much. >> Thank you. >> Please, round of applause. [ Applause ] >> Thank you. >> This has been a presentation by the Library of Congress. Visit us at loc.gov.